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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 5, 2009 11:37:33 GMT 3
Jukwaa?
I arrived back home with the saddening news of Prof, Atieno Odhiambo's demise.
Hope you will join me in celebrating the life of Prof. Atieno Odhiambo whose name I believe is familiar to most of Jukwaa member especially the leftists of the late 70s,80s and 90s.
He was impressionable during our various interactions with him over the years in Kango Ka Jaramogi in Sakwa Bondo, Ukweli Pastoral Centre (Kisumu),University of Nairobi and at the James Becker III Institute at Rice University in the lone star state of Texas.
Rest in peace Raywaya!
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 19, 2008 3:08:20 GMT 3
Jukwaa? Do you see what I am seeing? Well, if you don't then I strongly recommend that you hook up with a sage,most preferably one of Kenyan extraction and seek a nuanced interpretation of these strange happenings that are for the good of the country. Historians and chroniclers mayalso be of help. If you are persuaded, as I am, to read more into such strange occurrences as the Jimmy-Raila tryst and the mind-boggling Raila-Kibaki engagements not forgetting the break from traditions and ceremonial routines then talk to some wise elderly person who reasons more with the heart than mind. Your assignment is to seek their selfish interpratation of this seismic shift in Kenya's political template;and more importantly Kibaki's incredible behaviour--------- fleeting statecraft that has defied even smart alecks like Mutahi Ngunyi,nay sayers like kamale and anti-change aficianados like Muthaura. Inquire their interpratation of Kibaki's display of unprecedented sense of urgency; the-too-good-to-be-true cosiness with his former rival and resolute spirit with which he sherpherd Parliament appeasing a troubled nation. The Luos have a word for it: Hosruok.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 17, 2008 17:46:00 GMT 3
Below is an eye-popping extract from the report summary courtesy of the link OO provided elsewhere in this forum.For many Kenyans, the rigging of the 2007 presidential election was the final betrayal of that agenda for change. Voting on December 27 proceeded smoothly with record numbers of registered voters and a record turnout. The parliamentary results were swiftly tallied and announced on December 29, resulting in major losses for the ruling Party of National Unity (PNU) party. The presidential vote, however, soon took a different turn. Reaction across the country was swift and violent. Protests erupted even before the announcement of the presidential result on December 30, as delays and irregularities in the count sparked rumors of rigging. The government banned public gatherings and the police confronted street protests with excessive force, killing and wounding hundreds of peaceful demonstrators with live ammunition. Meanwhile, some people took advantage of the lack of law and order to loot, rape, and riot. Mobilized opposition supporters—especially in the Rift Valley and the slums of Nairobi—attacked those whom they assumed had voted for Kibaki, and his PNU, in large part the Kikuyu. This assigned an ethnic dimension to the violence and angry Kikuyu then fought back. www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900sid/MMAH-7CQ3JH
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 17, 2008 17:29:49 GMT 3
So if ODM had won the elections there would have been violence?
Talk of cognitive dissodance.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 17, 2008 14:23:18 GMT 3
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 15, 2008 22:14:13 GMT 3
Adongo & Kamale
Did Raila call a press conference or issued a press statement endorsing the safaricom sale? where? when?
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 11, 2008 3:30:33 GMT 3
Must Read! Power-sharing: conflict or compromise?By Stephanie Holmes BBC News Kenya's parliament is preparing to usher in a power-sharing agreement, brokered to bring to an end to months of ethnic violence sparked by December's disputed election. But with the country still reeling from the political bloodshed - which displaced some 600,000 people and left at least 1,500 dead - can President Mwai Kibaki and opposition leader Raila Odinga simply now govern side by side?Under a deal reached in late February, Mr Odinga will become prime minister -a position that is yet to be formally created - in a narrowly split parliament. But other key issues - about the exact division of power between prime minister and president, as well as how the different ministries will be shared among two parties with differing political agendas - have yet to be thrashed out. Power-sharing will not solve a conflict, says Michael Kerr, of the London School of Economics (LSE), rather it will provide a way of managing and regulating it."The institutions themselves will not fix your problem. Like a plaster will not fix a broken bone." Critics of power-sharing say such deals fail to address the reasons behind conflicts and actually entrench political, ethnic or group divisions, rather than resolve them.Mr Kerr does not agree: " Those divisions are already there. What power-sharing does is it recognises those divisions and institutionalises them. "A cynic, or realist, might say you have the continuation of war by diplomacy in politics, which is a common historical theme."Vasu Gounden, the founder of Accord - the African Centre for Constructive Resolution of Disputes - says power-sharing will only work where certain fundamental conditions, including socio-economic stability, are already in place. "Power-sharing in Kenya will not be easy because there has already been a fracturing within society," he said from Durban."Both parties are very equally matched and know their strengths and they have come through a process of extreme conflict." He cites Burundi - where a power-sharing government was set up in 2001 - as an example of the challenges faced by governing with a such an agreement." When you find that political parties are operating on the basis of positions and power - not politics and ideology - then there is a very protracted and deep struggle for power at the centre."Parties find it very difficult to reach consensus and it becomes a continuous struggle that can lead to paralysis of governance." In Burundi, he points out, continued conflict within government prevented any legislation being agreed for eight months. In South Africa, as the country made the transition to multi-party democracy with its first free multiracial elections in 1994, political violence between supporters of the Inkatha Freedom Party and the African National Congress claimed thousands of lives. The ANC's Frene Ginwala, speaker of parliament between 1994 and 2004, remembers that after such violence, a power-sharing deal was the only way forward.Of course there is an awful lot of personal antagonism and difficulty; there is an awful lot of grief and memory from the conflict " Very often, when we were unhappy with compromise, Mr Mandela would say: 'Yes, but what is the alternative? The alternative is that you are going to inherit, you are going to rule over, a pile of ruins'," she said. With Kenya's political violence estimated to have cost the country some $1bn in damage to the economy as well as ruining its image as a haven of stability within the continent, Mr Kibaki and Mr Odinga may well have come to a similar conclusion. " The experience of violence, the threat of ethnic violence would probably bolster the political will of both sides," Ms Ginwala said.She is at pains to emphasise that though they may have traded barbs this time around, the two men were once political allies. Mr Odinga's support was vital in getting President Mwai Kibaki elected in 2002. But after he later failed to follow through on a promised power-sharing government with Mr Odinga, the two fell out. "We mustn't forget that they fought the [2002] election together, as part of the coalition. I hope this is what they will hark back to, rather than the last few years when they disagreed so much," she said. Difficult personal relationships with people at the opposite side of the political divide are one of the challenges of making a power-sharing government work, says Mr Kerr. "Of course there is an awful lot of personal antagonism and difficulty; there is an awful lot of grief and memory from the conflict."Many of the participants involved in Northern Ireland at the moment, many would see them as being either the main participants in, or provocateurs of, a lot of that violence," he said. In Kenya too, international observers accused political leaders of fomenting the ethnic tensions between their supporters' base.But he insists that power-sharing in Northern Ireland provides an " incremental approach to dealing with long-term divisions within society," allowing memories of violence to fade, albeit slowly. Accord's Mr Gounden says that building a strong relationship between the two men at the top of the political pyramid in Kenya will be key to ensuring consensus lower down.Yet he underlines that conflict is at the very heart of all political relationships - within Africa and beyond. "I don't think there is anything different in Africa, it is just that the economic situation on the continent and the literacy levels might be different, so the struggles turn out to be not just a boardroom struggle for power, but a battlefield struggle for power also." Credit:BBCnews.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7286592.stm
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 11, 2008 1:43:19 GMT 3
Adongo,
Allow me to blubber the following conspiracy theories:
*Some devious minds(excuse me Kamale) may have used the recent press coverage on real power sharing to incite Rucy with fitina.
* That the shocking clarification by Francis was on firm orders of Rucy who has vowed that ugavi wa mamlaka will only happen over her dead body.
* With the "clarification", the Forces Against Change are assiduously raining on Raila's parade with the warning shot to the presumptive premier:You may have Kibaki on your side, but if we have Rucy on our side:who can be against us?
Jaramogi use to counsel us time and again against wandering into a forest-- including that which you are familiar with--- without first determining its security status. "Always throw a stone or two then step back and wait to hear strange movement or sounds. If there is none, then it is safe to venture in," Ajumaa told us.
My question to ODM is:Have you thrown the stones in the forest to be sure it is now safe to move into the forest for expedition?
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 10, 2008 13:47:24 GMT 3
Poor rucy! If she walk and talk, it is bad press.If she doesn't, it is more bad press.But why?Why her? Why not the self-styled activist from Othaya?
The last time I checked,rucy has no statutory obligation on the Kenyan public despite her entitlement to some Ksh 500,000 responsibility allowance from the public coffers.
My challenge to debutante women lawmakers like Grace Akoth Odhiambo,Rachel Wambui Shebesh and Sofia Abdi Noor is to spearhead a legislation on the role of the spouses of the Prime Minister and President.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 7, 2008 22:15:35 GMT 3
GOT IT! THANKS
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 7, 2008 2:55:46 GMT 3
I guess we are in for interesting times! What should we make of this? There are active minds like Martyn Drakard who are asking all kind of questions allafrica.com/stories/printable/200803060816.htmAs for me, the emerging matrix takes me back into time, in the political heyday of the legendary Dr William Odongo Omamo. The son of Nyaroche as he is known to some of us, would employ his native humour to preach a political concept simplified in a sensational luo catch phrase tena to ateni The literal meaning of tena to ateni that I can think of is stick by me and I will stick by you as sang by UB40 in their album, Labour of Love. The fact that the proposed grand coalition government will collapse if Raila or Kibaki pull their team out of makes Omamo's political dictum even more timely. Kibaki and Raila now depend on each other but as the burly Bill would counsel, it all depends on the other's effort. "tena tateni, kitena to ateni"( stick by me and I'll stick by you; if you do stick by me, I'll surely stick by you)as Omamo would say, is whhat matters now in this new arrangement between Raila and Kibaki.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 6, 2008 23:32:22 GMT 3
PM,
I use to think that Kibaki is a political survivor until it occurred to me that he was just a lucky politician.But I am now persuaded that his is more of destiny.
Indeed, I would submit that Kibaki has never been in-charge of his public life( if you know what I mean).
Lets look at him through the rear view mirror from the time that he was literally driven into politics by Tom Mboya through Jaramogi's machination.
I ask my self:What was it about Kibaki that these two influential Luo nationalists found irresistible? Why would Mboya, of all the people, drive all the way to Makerere to chauffeur a man who ad no historical ties with freedom struggle?Were there no other sons of the land who could do the job?
Then look at Kibaki in the swinging 70s, the turbulent 80s,the dramatic 90s and amazing circa that we are in; interrogate his exponential rise from a clerical, back room boy to a political elite worth the cover of TIME magazine.
When Raila and Moi joined forces, the ageing Kibaki, who had lost presidential election twice,was staring another defeat--- the conflagration in new Kanu notwithstanding.
In the most amazing circumstances, he was driven to political power, this time round on a wheelchair, and under the machination of another Odinga.
Five years later, when he should have been in retirement in Othaya, the 78-years old Kibaki is still on the big stage.
There is only one explanation as to this amazing trajectory: destiny.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 4, 2008 22:49:35 GMT 3
Is the Catholic Leadership Facing a Credibility Crisis?By Henry Makori Nairobi OPINION Posted to the web 4 March 2008 At a meeting I attended Monday, a question arose about inviting the archbishop of Nairobi, John Cardinal Njue, to a reconciliation and healing event planned for the city. A priest stated that many people in the group targeted for the event "do not like the cardinal."Another participant expressed fears that if the cardinal attended, the event would attract bad Press because the media would grab the opportunity to "roast" him over his perceived political leanings. But it is not just the cardinal. In the aftermath of Kenya's worst ever political crisis, many people appear to feel let down by the Catholic Church. They now question its credibility as an ally in their dogged quest for social justice. Only last week, a former missionary to the Diocese of Ngong', Fr Mark Faulkner, now a lecturer at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, accused the church hierarchy of being stuck in the mire of negative ethnicity it allegedly cultivated over the years. A few weeks back, a news report quoted some priests from the Diocese of Homa Bay as saying that the political position taken by Cardinal Njue had made performing their duties difficult. It appeared more like a thinly veiled vote of no confidence on the cardinal, who is chairman of the Kenya Episcopal Conference (KEC). A while earlier, the Justice and Peace Commission of St. Paul's University Chaplaincy, Nairobi, organized a baraza (public forum) for parishioners to vent out their feelings on the post-election crisis. A parishioner stood up and said she was frustrated because "I could not get any direction from my religious leaders."It was like the Church had gone to sleep at a time when her followers needed direction most, she lamented. Another parishioner was dismayed that the bishops were divided: "One made a statement and was openly contradicted by another."At the close of the forum, St Paul's parish priest, Fr Patrick Kanja, said he had never in his priestly life found it harder to preach than during the political crisis, because "anything you say could easily be misinterpreted." Leadership perceptionIn recent months, many Kenyans have expressed their displeasure in newspaper articles and radio phone-in programmes, forcing the conclusion that public perception of Catholic leadership in Kenya has changed drastically. Cardinal Njue himself alluded to this at a mass he celebrated at Consolata Shrine Parish in January. Calling for an end to political violence and a return to peace, he added: " You may not like what I am saying, [but] that is up to you; but I have to say it because it must be said. My dear brothers, the things that we say will be interpreted in different ways. But I want you to know that in saying what I am saying, I am saying it as your shepherd." This negative perception of the church did not start with the disputed results of the 2007 presidential election. As early as 2003 one finds claims that the church (and sections of civil society) was getting too cozy with the new government of President Mwai Kibaki. During the bitterly polarized process of writing a new constitution and the referendum that followed in November 2005, the church was accused of being pro-government. But the worst moment came last October when, in the extremely charged atmosphere of electioneering, Catholic bishops were reported to have rejected Majimbo, or the federal government, proposed by the opposition Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).The church's position was apparently conveyed in an answer given by Cardinal Njue to a reporter at a press conference the bishops had called at the end of their plenary meeting. Though the bishops' statement made no mention of Majimbo, not many reporters would see that Cardinal Njue gave a personal opinion; he was, afterall, the chairman of KEC. In the ensuing debate, the church watched mutely as the reputation of the cardinal and its own were torn to pieces by the hyenas of our realpolitik! Cutthroat politicsIn retrospect, one wonders how much awareness there was within church ranks that the cardinal's much awaited appointment - I recall many times reporters pestering the Apostolic Nuncio about it - came on an election year. It is not far-fetched to suppose that not quite a few people may have read politics into the choice and the timing. Didn't it occur to anyone that in our much ethnicized and cutthroat politics, certain demagogues could see Cardinal Njue as a powerful figure who would use his clout to swing the Catholic vote in favour of President Kibaki, his co-ethnic and a member of the church? The best strategy to defeat that eventuality would be to use the cardinal's mostly unguarded public statements to split the Catholic vote, by projecting him as a "Mount Kenya" partisan. There was plenty of that kind of stuff on the Internet.Kibaki's campaigners themselves did not do the cardinal any favours by using a popular Catholic tune in one of their radio commercials. The church, of course, did not see the danger lurking in that. In sum, the apparent credibility crisis facing Catholic leadership today seems to me to result from failure of the church to manage perceptions in this Media Age, and to grasp the changing dynamics of our increasingly complex politics. The present disaffection should be a wake-up call. CREDIT:Catholic Information Service for Africa (Nairobi)allafrica.com/stories/printable/200803040690.html
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 8, 2008 23:24:40 GMT 3
politics.nationmedia.com/inner.asp?sid=1599&page=2 During the negotiations, members of the mediation team agreed that the number of Cabinet positions allocated to each side in the political conflict was to beagreed upon later by the parties. When President Kibaki chaired the first joint parliamentary group meeting of the soon-to-be-created coalition government, a team was formed to strike a deal on the sharing of the seats in addition to harmonizing the manifestos of the coalition parties—PNU, ODM and ODM Kenya.
The members of the harmonization committee are scheduled to hold their first meeting tomorrow, and it this team that is expected to determine how the ministerial positions will be distributed.
Among those on the 10-member body are Cabinet ministers Saitoti, Noah Wekesa and David Musila from the government side; some of the ODM representatives are MPs Henry Kosgey, Charity Ngilu, Chris Okemo and Anyang Nyong’o. On Saturday, Mr Musila and Mr Okemo confirmed that they will meet on Monday to start the discussions before handing over the documents to President Kibaki for appointment.
Speaking by telephone from his Mwingi South constituency, Mr Musila said: “We are scheduled to meet on Monday afternoon to start work. However, I am in the dark as to what positions have been taken by ODM and government .” Whoever came up with this idea of harmonization committee may have unknowingly handed Kalonzo the political lifeline. I thought the committee's scope was limited to the PNU and ODM manifestoes.But now Mr Namunane is reporting that Saitoti & Co will be meeting ODM stalwarts to discuss slots. Have we forgotten why Koffi had to deal with Raila and Kibaki directly? If my interpretation is right,especially on what Kalonzo's loyalist, Musila, is saying, then I am afraid.This nebulous committee should never be allowed to discuss job placements because of glaring conflict of interest.Let who gets what in the next government be a Kibaki-Raila's funeral otherwise Kalonzo will have his way too. My senti tatu
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 8, 2008 12:47:36 GMT 3
Kalonzo’s challenges mount Published on March 8, 2008, 12:00 am By Oscar Obonyo Even as a new dawn brightens up the country’s political horizon, following a power-sharing pact between President Kibaki and Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) leader Mr Raila Odinga, trouble is brewing over the office of Vice-Presidency. Anxiety is mounting over a host of challenges posed by the Kibaki-Raila deal regarding the mandate and authority of office and the ‘rightful cut’ due to ODM-Kenya, whose leader Mr Kalonzo Musyoka is V-P. But it is the silent revolt from MPs in his own Ukambani backyard that complicates Kalonzo’s political woes. There are a few MPs who have come out in the open alleging that the V-P has sidelined them by making decisions, which include joining the Cabinet without consultation. But the deal signed by Raila and Kibaki in the wake of post-election violence, details a raft of proposals, including the immediate creation of the posts of Prime Minister and two deputies. How the country’s 10thVice-President fits into this new political dispensation is a challenge to Raila and Kibaki, especially the latter, who invited the Mwingi North MP to Government in January. The grand coalition deal struck under mediation talks headed by former United Nations Secretary General Dr Kofi Annan recognises the Party of National Unity (PNU) and ODM and spells out a power-sharing deal between the two. Kalonzo’s ODM-Kenya has, however, entered into a coalition partnership with Kibaki’s PNU. This means that ODM-Kenya’s share of ministerial positions is catered for by PNU under the agreed 50-50 arrangement with ODM. The Mwingi North MP quickly secured Kibaki’s presidency following the announcement of last year’s highly disputed and discredited presidential poll results. Having acted as a pillar by turning over ODM-Kenya’s parliamentary strength in Kibaki’s favour, it will be interesting to see how the President manages the delicate balance between his links with Kalonzo and the new-found ODM partner. Unlike the Annan engineered deal, which is to be entrenched in the Constitution, the PNU/ODM-Kenya memorandum of understanding is a gentleman’s agreement — a fact that has heightened speculation. While Annan clearly indicated that the Grand Coalition Government would entail "the President, Vice-President, Prime Minister and two deputies and the Cabinet", the signed pact is silent on whether the VP’s position will be subjected to "horse-trading" in an exercise by PNU and ODM to strike a "balance in power and ministerial portfolios". Indeed the speculations have generated reaction from a section of ODM-Kenya MPs.Speaking yesterday, Kangundo MP Mr Johnson Muthama explained, "MPs allied to the party and Kalonzo are ready to serve in any capacity, in Government or even in the opposition". The Saturday Standard, however, established that Muthama’s sentiments were triggered by threats by some ODM-Kenya MPs to break ranks with their leader, Kalonzo. Some of the ODM-Kenya MPs reportedly snubbed the press conference called by Muthama, who is the party’s parliamentary whip. The occupant of the VP office, who under the new arrangement will not be the President’s principal deputy, is further expected to cede substantial power to the premier, including serving in the crucial capacity of Leader of Government Business. Political analyst Mr Mutahi Ngunyi says the arrangement takes off virtually all the meat that goes with the Vice-Presidency."The deal further implies that if the holder of the office has a ministerial docket then he or she will equally work under the supervision of the Prime Minister," he observes. But this in itself is not an impediment considering the strong mood of national healing.As Leader of Government Business in Parliament, the ODM-Kenya leader, who has publicly declared support for the current arrangement, is facilitating the process. The relevant National Accord and Reconciliation Bill 2008 is expected in Parliament next Tuesday."The agreement (we signed) must be translated into a binding Act of Parliament and entrenched in the Constitution. This will pave way for the sharing of responsibility of governance. I urge you to bear in mind that the agreement is in the best interest of country," said the President, in his speech on the opening of the 10th Parliament on Thursday. As if speaking from the same script, Raila has expressed confidence that the Grand Coalition Government will work for the national interest."There is genuine reason to make the pact work. In the past, a clique made it impossible but things have changed. Now, there is need for me to work directly with Kibaki since it is embedded in the pact. I think there is sufficient goodwill," he told The Saturday Standard on Thursday. Despite the national goodwill, the new political arrangement has raised a few constitutional concerns, key among them the absence of Leader of Official Opposition and party in the 10th Parliament. While hailing the Kibaki-Raila pact, ODM and ODM-Kenya allied MPs Mr Ababu Namwamba and Mr Mutula Kilonzo, regret that the arrangement will compromise crucial democratic practices. The two lawyers-turned-politicians are separately at loss as to who will chair the Parliamentary Accounts Committee and the Public Investments Committee. As per the tradition of the British Parliamentary, which Kenya has heavily borrowed from, the Opposition leads the two crucial watchdog committees. To ease the confusion, two leading lawyers have appealed Kalonzo to step out of Government and serve as the Leader of the Official Opposition. The Law Society of Kenya Chairman, Mr Okong’o Omogeni, and East Africa Law Society President, Mr Tom Ojienda, argue that the move would be in the interest of Kenyans and Kalonzo’s own political career. In a telephone interview with The Saturday Standard, Ojienda urged Kalonzo to team up with other small parties to form a structured opposition to act as a check against PNU and ODM excesses in Government.
Omogeni said the position of the Leader of Opposition is provided for in the Constitution, adding that Kalonzo should not let Kenyans down."The position is in the Constitution with its own remuneration, an official car, security, a personal assistant and a functional office besides a seat reserved for him in Parliament," he said. Incidentally, some political leaders from Kalonzo’s Ukambani backyard share this position. Former assistant minister and Masinga MP Mr Ronald Kiluta opines that this is the best option if Kalonzo hopes to make a serious stab at the presidency again.But these are not Kalonzo’s only challenges. Ministers Martha Karua, through Narc-Kenya, Uhuru Kenyatta, through Kanu, and Prof George Saitoti are positioning themselves for the Kibaki succession. It is unlikely Kalonzo, a political outsider, stand any chance in that race. With a ‘betrayal tag’ hanging over him, his perennial Ukambani rival Charity Ngilu gearing up for a national role in ODM/PNU Government, and Kilome MP Harun Mwau getting ready for national networking, Kalonzo could find himself a lonely VP – if he hangs on there. Ngilu and Mwau won tickets in Ukambani even after Kalonzo and ODM-Kenya campaigned bitterly and personally against them." The VP should understand that the new power deal may leave him and his party in a precarious position," Kiluta told The Saturday Standard. But Muthama maintains that Kalonzo be retained as VP since the party has MoU with PNU. "The pact between PNU and ODM is not in our favour except for one man — whom we wish every success as VP — otherwise the rest of us should cross over and keep this government in check," says Yatta MP, Mr Charles Kilonzo. Source: www.eastandard.net/news/?id=1143982985&cid=4
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 1, 2008 0:58:25 GMT 3
In the link provided by AO, Nation's Bob Odalo writes:
What has however brought about the sharp rift between the MPs and their leader is a quiet agreement that Mr Musyoka is alleged to have reached with the PNU leadership on the resettlement of displaced persons, especially from the Rift Valley. The deal was hinted at by Mr Kilonzo during Monday’s press conference.
“This is a big fear that is being discussed at all levels of life in Ukambani,” says Mr Kilonzo.
“We know that Kalonzo negotiated for his V-P position on condition that he would help resettle displaced people in Ukambani, and we are strongly opposed to this. It is such a big issue that it does not warrant a decision by one person, but he chose to ignore us by sealing the deal alone,” says Mr Kilonzo.
Already land for the resettlement exercise had been identified, according to the chairman of the recently formed Ukambani Political Leaders Forum, Mr Davies Musau.“Areas targeted for such resettlement are Kibwezi, Masinga, Kangundo and Machakos,” said Mr Musau when addressing the forum leaders on Friday.
Mr Musau says the government had agreed to purchase the parcels of land on behalf of the displaced persons.
Remember Kenyatta assigned V-P Moi the task of resettling the Mau Mau IDPs in Rift-Valley? Ask Lumumba Odenda of Kenya Land Alliance and he will tell you that this land-for-resettlements-in-exchange-of-VP-post is a powder keg? And as the latest report on bloodletting in parts of Rift-Valley shows, a generation is paying the heavy price of Moi's indescritions.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Feb 29, 2008 23:55:37 GMT 3
Jukwaa?
What is Kalonzo's political shelf-life in Kibaki's government; can he survive the imminent tsunami leave alone the snafus in Ukambani and ODM-K?
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Feb 29, 2008 14:58:05 GMT 3
Its time to drive this nation foward but with our eyes fixated on the rear view mirror.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 1, 2008 22:19:08 GMT 3
Raila's pledge to rebuild Kenya. news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7270379.stmCould it be possible for State Hse and Raila's Office to convene a national peace conference bringing together infuential elders from the 42 tribes in Kenya? My thoughts. Raila's response: "It would also be necessary to hold meetings with leaders of Kenya's polarised ethnic communities to start the process of reconciliation.
"We are also going to need public lectures in order to inculcate the values of unity among our people," he said.
Tribal difference had been exacerbated by discrimination in giving people jobs in the public sector and this too would have to be addressed, Odinga said.africa.reuters.com/wire/news/usnL01733510.html
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Feb 29, 2008 14:45:40 GMT 3
Raila's pledge to rebuild Kenya. news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7270379.stmCould it be possible for State Hse and Raila's Office to convene a national peace conference bringing together infuential elders from the 42 tribes in Kenya? My thoughts.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 1, 2008 2:00:01 GMT 3
The revelations came as the peace talks resumed at the Serena Hotel on Friday, but without Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister Martha Karua, who leads the PNU four-member team to the talks. Her colleague at the talks, Foreign Affairs minister Moses Wetangula said the minister was engaged in another assignment. Other members of the PNU team are Education minister Sam Ongeri and Mbooni MP Mutula Kilonzo politics.nationmedia.com/inner.asp?sid=1559&page=3 Just wondering what assignment could force the Minister for Justice and Constituitional Affairs to break from tradition and skip the talk she co-leads. Could she be nursing the after shock of her Boss's surprise turn around? Remember she led the Karua Four last Sunday in insisting that Kenya had no cause to celebrate because the parties at the talks had not agreed on any agenda. Interesting that Kofi said they are now talking agenda 4 which contradict the Karua Four's Sunday claim that they were stalemate on agenda 1,2 & 3. But agenda three was dispensed with juzi. Lets hope that the crucial assignment that forced the leader of the Government delegation to the Annan talks to skip yesterday's session will bring more good tidings for Kenya.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Mar 1, 2008 22:51:21 GMT 3
Odinga, whose fractious relationship with Kibaki will be put to the test when he starts work as prime minister, said he would be responsible for carrying out reforms and making sure the government runs efficiently.
This would mean attacking bureaucracy and corruption with a view to winning back confidence locally and among international aid donors and investors, Odinga said.africa.reuters.com/wire/news/usnL01733510.htmlWhat I am gleaning from Giles Elgood's piece in the link above is that for ODM, it is all system go and that the ongoing Annan talks and the pending relevant legislation next week are just mere formalities. I get the impression that it will be business unusual especially for the ODM dominated local authorities.I doubt if the government side will erect more barricade on Annan path. It seems to me that the proposed transitional grand coalition government is a blessing in disguise for the Government especially the PNU side. ODM side is coming into this new arrangement as a well oiled machine with clearly defined hierarchical structure.The government has plenty of house keeping to do.
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Feb 28, 2008 23:35:49 GMT 3
The pen-to-patchment phase of this Annan mediation process have left me a little dazed.
Was the agreement signed today at Harambee House an intra-party deal or an agreement between the Government(State) as it is now and ODM?
Is the proposed 50-50 principle limited to Cabinet slots or entire public service?
I am also confused on the role of the Prime Minister. Will he be answerable to the cabinet or Parliament or President? And who will Chair cabinet? Who will the ministers report to?
Where does this leave fringe parties like Ngilu's Narc and Harun Mwau's Pick? What about Ford-K? And how will the Political Parties Bill apply?
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Feb 28, 2008 16:05:28 GMT 3
" The BBC's Adam Mynott in the capital, Nairobi, cautions that this is not the first time there a deal has been announced between the government and Mr Odinga's Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). But he said that Mr Annan is giving the impression that this is a significant development"" news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7268903.stm
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Post by JAHAATWACH on Feb 26, 2008 19:13:11 GMT 3
There is a popular saying in Kisumu city that ka iyudo ka ngato ketho gire, to konye ketho meaning the best you can do to a fellow on a self-destruct mode is to gladly aide his ruin. ODM demonstrated that they were in the talks for the love of Kenya but as our very own Gakungu pointed out in this aptly titled thread jukwaa.proboards58.com/index.cgi?action=display&board=general&thread=1202645499&page=1, it was never going to be.
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