Post by Onyango Oloo on Oct 17, 2005 12:42:07 GMT 3
THE PRESIDENT IS COURTING ANRCHY BY DISOBEYING COURT ORDERS
By MIGUNA MIGUNA* - 16 October 2005
Revised and Edited Version:
Although our current constitution does not explicitly state that the president is above the law, in reality, because of various fundamental weaknesses of the current constitution, president Kibaki has conducted himself in a manner suggesting that he believes that he is, in fact, beyond any legal restrictions. The problem is compounded by the fact that the Wako concoction that President Kibaki insists is “the best constitution in the world” does not offer any control levers to the run-away presidential powers.
By publicly issuing title deeds to 1,200 members of the Ogiek community that his government had brutally and forcefully removed from their homes and farms in July this year, even after a High Court Judge in Nakuru had clearly ordered his government not to do so, President Kibaki has demonstrated one significant danger of not having strong constitutional controls over the executive.
A week or so ago, President Kibaki had also purported to allocate (or revert) the Amboseli Game Reserve to the Maa community. And a few days ago, the local Kenyan media carried stories about an array of goodies and promises Kibaki had given to Charity Ngilu in exchange for her stay in the Banana/Yes campaign. It is increasingly becoming embarrassing to watch the blatant, flagrant and consistent disregard of the laws of Kenya by this government and its chief executive.
Our worries and concerns are out of recognition of the fact that the president is supposed to be the custodian of both the laws and the constitution of Kenya. By openly breaking, disregarding and violating the very laws that he swore an oath to protect, safeguard and enforce, the president is courting anarchy.
The current trend shows why it is necessary, in a democracy, to separate the executive arm of government from both the judiciary and the legislature. Absent effective legal and constitutional controls, the executive is always prone to act with impunity, especially where it deems it expedient.
President Kibaki did not issue the 1,200 title deeds yesterday out of compassion. It would be very difficult for the Kibaki government to convince Kenyans that a valid court order was violated by the chief legal custodian of the Republic of Kenya because of his deep sympathetic concerns for the suffering of the Ogiek, or due to his inclination to give aid or support, or to show mercy for the suffering Kenyans. This government is not well known for its sympathy towards the suffering Kenyans.
After all, if truth be told, the 1,200 Ogiek that were issued title deeds the other day were rendered homeless by the Kenyan police, General Service Unit brigades and bands of armed men and women at the command of both the Ministers of Internal Security and Lands. Kenyans still recall vividly the chilling remarks of one Amos Kimunya, who also happens to be Kibaki’s Minister for Lands and Settlement, that the title deeds the Ogiek held, before their forceful removal, were “mere pieces of paper” that the government of Kenya did not recognize. When did the Kenyan government change its mind and why?
The timing of President Kibaki’s issuance of the 1,200 title deeds coincides with a spirited campaign by the Orange Democratic Movement to have Kenyans reject the Wako Draft Constitution on November 21st. One would therefore be forgiven for wondering whether this is not but this government’s latest political gimmick to influence votes in the greater Rift Valley Province ahead of the November polls.
It is difficult for this government to acquit itself of the accusation that it is trying to buy votes through these unusual, generous, irregular and at times illegal pronouncements. Since when did the president become the Commissioner of Lands to issue title deeds to Kenyans?
Legally, the president should have absolutely no role to play in the determination, assessment or allocation of land to the people of Kenya. Being a practicing partisan politician (i.e. head of the Democratic Party of Kenya), it is very easy for his judgment to be coloured by secondary and irrelevant considerations. The sensitive issue of land allocation ought to be done by a professional body or entity without any regard to party or political affiliations.
Needless to say, the Ogieks are but a small fraction of Kenyans who have been rendered homeless by direct (past and present) brutal government action and/or policies. There are millions upon millions of other Kenyans that live in squalor, homelessness, as squatters, on the streets and without the basic necessities of life, that are also deserving of compassion, but who have not been so “lucky” because they have long ceased to be political dynamites or hot-buttons, ready to be mined or converted into quick expedient referendum votes for the beleaguered Banana regime. That is a pity.
President Kibaki did not issue the 1,200 title deeds to the Ogiek because of a sense of moral duty. He did not do it because he felt guilty of his government’s brutal and forceful eviction of the Ogiek. Had moral and ethical considerations been the principal foundation for the president’s action, it would not have taken him more than three months to show his newly found magnanimity.
We need to remember that the president never publicly apologized for his government’s actions in the evictions. Although he claimed that he was simply implementing something that his government had planned before the referendum date was set, one cannot help but wonder about the timing and nature of the hand-out ceremony.
Since taking power in December 2002, it has been extremely rare for President Kibaki to show public sympathy to Kenyans, even when they have faced catastrophe like the massacres in Marsabit in July this year. In fact, most Kenyans have complained endlessly about the president’s detachment, his failure, refusal or reluctance to meet with Kenyans, whether in times of joy or sadness. It is therefore suspicious for the president to suddenly appear keen to assuage the feelings of the Ogiek with a seven-month old pitiful embrace.
While some critics of this government have questioned why the Chief Justice did not advise President Kibaki not to disobey a valid court order, others, like Paul Muite, have argued that the president was not bound to follow an “illegitimate order.” There are two problems with both positions.
Firstly, section 26(2) of the Kenyan Constitution states that “[T]he Attorney-General shall be the principal legal adviser to the Government of Kenya.” It is not the Chief Justice’s role to advise the government on anything. The Chief Justice, like any other judge, is a judicial officer, and he can only deal with matters and disputes that are brought before him for determination or direction. If there was either a lack of advice, or an improper advice given to this government, that failure, like with the preparation of the Mongrel Draft, lies at the feet of Amos Wako.
And secondly, with respect to Hon. Muite’s misplaced assertion that President Kibaki rightly disobeyed a court order, because the order was a bad order, one wonders how Muite, who is supposed to be a Senior Counsel, does not realize that the only authority that can decide whether the order in question ought to be set aside or quashed, and therefore not followed, is the Court of Appeal, upon a proper review of the order. It is not up to Paul Muite to tell Kenyans or President Kibaki which orders are proper and which ones are faulty.
Before a valid court order is set aside, quashed or varied, all law abiding citizens, including Muite and Kibaki, must obey it. To do otherwise would be tantamount to contempt. It would also set in motion flagrant violations that can lead to anarchy. This must never be allowed to happen if Kenya, as a democracy, is to remain a country governed by the Rule of Law. Contrary to popular opinion, the president is not above the law.
______________________________________________________________________
*The writer is a Kenyan practicing law in Toronto, Canada
By MIGUNA MIGUNA* - 16 October 2005
Revised and Edited Version:
Although our current constitution does not explicitly state that the president is above the law, in reality, because of various fundamental weaknesses of the current constitution, president Kibaki has conducted himself in a manner suggesting that he believes that he is, in fact, beyond any legal restrictions. The problem is compounded by the fact that the Wako concoction that President Kibaki insists is “the best constitution in the world” does not offer any control levers to the run-away presidential powers.
By publicly issuing title deeds to 1,200 members of the Ogiek community that his government had brutally and forcefully removed from their homes and farms in July this year, even after a High Court Judge in Nakuru had clearly ordered his government not to do so, President Kibaki has demonstrated one significant danger of not having strong constitutional controls over the executive.
A week or so ago, President Kibaki had also purported to allocate (or revert) the Amboseli Game Reserve to the Maa community. And a few days ago, the local Kenyan media carried stories about an array of goodies and promises Kibaki had given to Charity Ngilu in exchange for her stay in the Banana/Yes campaign. It is increasingly becoming embarrassing to watch the blatant, flagrant and consistent disregard of the laws of Kenya by this government and its chief executive.
Our worries and concerns are out of recognition of the fact that the president is supposed to be the custodian of both the laws and the constitution of Kenya. By openly breaking, disregarding and violating the very laws that he swore an oath to protect, safeguard and enforce, the president is courting anarchy.
The current trend shows why it is necessary, in a democracy, to separate the executive arm of government from both the judiciary and the legislature. Absent effective legal and constitutional controls, the executive is always prone to act with impunity, especially where it deems it expedient.
President Kibaki did not issue the 1,200 title deeds yesterday out of compassion. It would be very difficult for the Kibaki government to convince Kenyans that a valid court order was violated by the chief legal custodian of the Republic of Kenya because of his deep sympathetic concerns for the suffering of the Ogiek, or due to his inclination to give aid or support, or to show mercy for the suffering Kenyans. This government is not well known for its sympathy towards the suffering Kenyans.
After all, if truth be told, the 1,200 Ogiek that were issued title deeds the other day were rendered homeless by the Kenyan police, General Service Unit brigades and bands of armed men and women at the command of both the Ministers of Internal Security and Lands. Kenyans still recall vividly the chilling remarks of one Amos Kimunya, who also happens to be Kibaki’s Minister for Lands and Settlement, that the title deeds the Ogiek held, before their forceful removal, were “mere pieces of paper” that the government of Kenya did not recognize. When did the Kenyan government change its mind and why?
The timing of President Kibaki’s issuance of the 1,200 title deeds coincides with a spirited campaign by the Orange Democratic Movement to have Kenyans reject the Wako Draft Constitution on November 21st. One would therefore be forgiven for wondering whether this is not but this government’s latest political gimmick to influence votes in the greater Rift Valley Province ahead of the November polls.
It is difficult for this government to acquit itself of the accusation that it is trying to buy votes through these unusual, generous, irregular and at times illegal pronouncements. Since when did the president become the Commissioner of Lands to issue title deeds to Kenyans?
Legally, the president should have absolutely no role to play in the determination, assessment or allocation of land to the people of Kenya. Being a practicing partisan politician (i.e. head of the Democratic Party of Kenya), it is very easy for his judgment to be coloured by secondary and irrelevant considerations. The sensitive issue of land allocation ought to be done by a professional body or entity without any regard to party or political affiliations.
Needless to say, the Ogieks are but a small fraction of Kenyans who have been rendered homeless by direct (past and present) brutal government action and/or policies. There are millions upon millions of other Kenyans that live in squalor, homelessness, as squatters, on the streets and without the basic necessities of life, that are also deserving of compassion, but who have not been so “lucky” because they have long ceased to be political dynamites or hot-buttons, ready to be mined or converted into quick expedient referendum votes for the beleaguered Banana regime. That is a pity.
President Kibaki did not issue the 1,200 title deeds to the Ogiek because of a sense of moral duty. He did not do it because he felt guilty of his government’s brutal and forceful eviction of the Ogiek. Had moral and ethical considerations been the principal foundation for the president’s action, it would not have taken him more than three months to show his newly found magnanimity.
We need to remember that the president never publicly apologized for his government’s actions in the evictions. Although he claimed that he was simply implementing something that his government had planned before the referendum date was set, one cannot help but wonder about the timing and nature of the hand-out ceremony.
Since taking power in December 2002, it has been extremely rare for President Kibaki to show public sympathy to Kenyans, even when they have faced catastrophe like the massacres in Marsabit in July this year. In fact, most Kenyans have complained endlessly about the president’s detachment, his failure, refusal or reluctance to meet with Kenyans, whether in times of joy or sadness. It is therefore suspicious for the president to suddenly appear keen to assuage the feelings of the Ogiek with a seven-month old pitiful embrace.
While some critics of this government have questioned why the Chief Justice did not advise President Kibaki not to disobey a valid court order, others, like Paul Muite, have argued that the president was not bound to follow an “illegitimate order.” There are two problems with both positions.
Firstly, section 26(2) of the Kenyan Constitution states that “[T]he Attorney-General shall be the principal legal adviser to the Government of Kenya.” It is not the Chief Justice’s role to advise the government on anything. The Chief Justice, like any other judge, is a judicial officer, and he can only deal with matters and disputes that are brought before him for determination or direction. If there was either a lack of advice, or an improper advice given to this government, that failure, like with the preparation of the Mongrel Draft, lies at the feet of Amos Wako.
And secondly, with respect to Hon. Muite’s misplaced assertion that President Kibaki rightly disobeyed a court order, because the order was a bad order, one wonders how Muite, who is supposed to be a Senior Counsel, does not realize that the only authority that can decide whether the order in question ought to be set aside or quashed, and therefore not followed, is the Court of Appeal, upon a proper review of the order. It is not up to Paul Muite to tell Kenyans or President Kibaki which orders are proper and which ones are faulty.
Before a valid court order is set aside, quashed or varied, all law abiding citizens, including Muite and Kibaki, must obey it. To do otherwise would be tantamount to contempt. It would also set in motion flagrant violations that can lead to anarchy. This must never be allowed to happen if Kenya, as a democracy, is to remain a country governed by the Rule of Law. Contrary to popular opinion, the president is not above the law.
______________________________________________________________________
*The writer is a Kenyan practicing law in Toronto, Canada