THE WORLD'S HARSH VERDICT ON KIBAKI

[JAHAATWACH]

Stolen votes

Saturday January 19, 2008
The Guardian

The death toll of the violence unleashed by a disputed election in Kenya is rising inexorably. At least 20 died in the last two days of opposition protest. Add them to over 600 who have already been shot by police or hacked to death or burned alive by mobs, and it is obvious that Raila Odinga, the opposition leader who insists that President Mwai Kibaki stole the vote, would have to stop street protest. Yesterday the opposition spokesman Salim Lone said they would now turn to economic boycotts and strikes.

President Kibaki is losing his image of a gentleman surrounded by thugs. With each day that passes he is looking more like a hardliner who refuses to confront reality. He has dug in, spurned offers of international mediators, and packed his cabinet with the same discredited clique that voters tried to kick out of office. The violence obscures the root cause of the conflict - not ethnic unrest, social inequality, paramilitary gangs, youth unemployment or land distribution in the Rift Valley. These are symptoms, but the disease itself is vote-rigging.

An umbrella group of civil-society organisations called the Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice (KPTJ) returned to this subject yesterday with a report analysing the election results. While there is evidence of ballot-box stuffing on both sides (and the turnout figures in both Mr Odinga's and Mr Kibaki's heartlands are unbelievable), the KPTJ found that in 130 constituencies 325,321 more votes had been cast for the presidential tally than for the parallel parliamentary one. In other words, people cast substantially more votes for their choice of president than they did for their choice of MP. This is not credible, and the reverse of what happened in 2002. Of those additional votes, the KPTJ found that 256,000 were "suspicious". As Mr Kibaki's margin of victory was 231,628 votes, this is more than enough to explain the result. Both sides stuffed ballot boxes, but only one side rigged the count at the election commission. As one analyst in Nairobi said, it is like comparing the activities of a chicken thief with those of a bank robber.

A forensic audit of the count is difficult, if not impossible. The original tallies which election agents certified either do not now exist or are photocopies of the originals. Holding another election also looks like a pipe dream when the dead are still being buried. There is simply too much anger around. A coalition government should be formed with the limited objective of rebuilding discredited institutions such as the election commission and dismantling the roadblocks, so that fresh elections can be held at some point in the future. But for this to happen President Kibaki has to move. He has shown no sign of doing so yet.


www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2243423,00.html

[JAHAATWACH]

Kibaki, an Imposition of the West, Says Rawlings

01.19.2008

Former Ghanaian Presid-ent, Jerry Rawlings, has said that the violence that erupted in Kenya over alleged rigging of the election by the incumbent President, Mwai Kibaki, is a protest against neo-colonialism and the imposition of leadership by the West. According to him, Kenyans do not want to go through the same kind of experience again hence their insistence on change.
Speaking to journalists yesterday at the Murtala Mohammed Airport Lagos, Rawlings said: “Kenyans are demonstrating that enough is enough in neo-colonialism. If we have done away with coup d’etat, then let us preserve the integrity of the electoral process. And if we cannot count on the integrity of the electoral process, where do we go? This is happening in many countries in Africa, including my own country.”
The former Ghanaian president said that the electoral process in many African countries is so weak, which in turn weakens the relationship between the African governments elected in such doubtful electoral process.
“Since the collapse of the bi-polar power, I have always been saying that the uni-polar power has been displaying some very unethical and immoral political standard and that is a price they (African leaders) had to pay. I keep repeating this.
It does not surprise me the way economic affairs are handled, it is always as if we are living in the days of mercenary tendencies,” Rawlings said.
It does not surprise me that a country like Venezuela should swing 180 degrees south of the US, when the Soviet Union has collapsed because the economic philosophy has just swung to one extreme with government just selling all national assets to themselves and to their families. So where is this going to lead us to? It is going to lead to arson. People are being violated and there is going to be a reaction,” Rawling also said.
He remarked that if the African Command that United States is proposing is going to complement the efforts of African forces let it be established so that it would help to stop the situation in Darfur, Sudan, but “if it is 21st century form of trying to colonise the continent, then it is absolutely wrong and I think African Union (AU) should have a position on this.
Also speaking to journalists, the former Ghanaian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Victor Gbeho, who arrived at the airport with Rawlings, said unless the electoral processes in Africa are reviewed, the kind of crisis happening in Kenya would not end.
He said the crises in the African region were due to the failure of electoral processes which are usurped by malpractices and urged the AU to take wade into the political turmoil in Kenya by forming a coalition and organising a re-run of the presidential elections in that country.
"The Kenyan situation is regrettable, no African country is proud of what is happening now especially now that we are trying to earn an international reputaion as a democratic continent, what is happening there is due to the fact that the electoral process has failed and what they called rigging was put in place. Those who are in the office in Kenya know that they did not win.
This is a challenge to the A.U, they should get involved and organise a re-run election, otherwise the opposition party will never agree, they are prepared to shed more blood", he said.


www.thisdayonline.com/nview.php?id=100826

[JAHAATWACH]

ANALYSIS - Kenya's Kibaki sheds gentleman image
Fri 18 Jan 2008, 8:13 GMT

By Andrew Cawthorne

NAIROBI (Reuters) - When President Mwai Kibaki was inaugurated on Dec. 30, 2002, a million Kenyans thronged a city park to hail him as saviour after 24 years of repressive rule.

Five years later, he was hurriedly sworn in, watched by a few close aides, on the lawn of his heavily guarded residence, as smoke rose from protests in nearby slums.The contrasting ceremonies mirror Kibaki's changed reputation both inside and outside Kenya after his disputed re-election and tough handling of the turmoil afterwards.

"Sorry for the cliches, but the popular 'reformist president' is beginning to look a bit more like an old-fashioned African strongman these days," one Nairobi-based diplomat said.There was nationwide euphoria when Kibaki beat the party of authoritarian former President Daniel arap Moi in 2002.Though some Kenyans later became disillusioned over issues like corruption, there was still respect for a man regarded as a gentleman, statesman and "Mzee" -- Swahili for respected elder -- above the messy fray of daily politics.

Now, however, Kibaki has turned into a hate figure for many who believe he stole the Dec. 27 presidential vote and is crushing protests with brutality.The man with a penchant for P.G. Wodehouse novels and a round of golf at the colonial-era Muthaiga Club, who was previously often satirised as a genial but bumbling leader, has shown unexpected steel in facing the crisis.

After swearing himself in within minutes of being declared winner from a hotly-contested vote count, Kibaki, 76, has gone on to outlaw public demonstrations, put hardliners in his cabinet, deploy riot police daily, and ban live TV broadcasts.

"We are seeing a creeping regression to the totalitarian methods of the past," said Kenyan columnist Macharia Gaitho.
"The government is going out of its way to curb the inherent rights of the people to associate, express themselves, communicate and assemble."Not so, cry Kibaki supporters, who say opposition leader Raila Odinga is forcing the government to take tough action by whipping up civil disobedience and ethnic massacres.


"NOT ZIMBABWE"

Diplomats are beginning to ask if Kibaki is following in the footsteps of others -- like Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, or Yoweri Museveni of Uganda -- whose authoritarianism cut short their early status as favourites of the West.

Kibaki opened up the economy, which stagnated under Moi, to achieve average annual growth of five percent, and ended many restrictions on free expression. He was also seen as a reliable Western ally against al Qaeda.

But question-marks that began emerging towards the end of his first term, when, for example, police controversially raided a newspaper office, are now seen as an early warning signal.

"He risks going down as the president who squandered the opportunities of the post-Moi democratisation in Kenya, even though he was the one who first enabled them," said Patrick Smith, editor of Africa Confidential newsletter.

"The old stereotype of the genial but weak leader surrounded by bad people does not fit any more. That image was gradually chipped away. Then events since Dec. 30 finished the process."

Analysts point out, however, that Kibaki has still led from the shadows during the crisis rather than become a dominant frontman like, say, Meles or Museveni.And U.S. ambassador Michael Ranneberger was adamant that comparisons made by Kibaki's most strident critics with Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe were wrong."Kenya is nowhere near anything like Zimbabwe so such comparisons are completely beyond the point," he said.

Still, there is a mounting chorus of criticism from Kenyan rights groups and activists who say Kibaki staged a "civilian coup" and is looking increasingly dictatorial.

"The decline into a police state has been so swift and so organised that one can be forgiven for thinking that some within the government may have actually anticipated the chaos," said lawyer Karim Anjarwalla in Nairobi.Kibaki faces early tests of his international standing.

First, he is due at an African Union (AU) summit at the end of January, where it is not clear how fellow heads-of-state will treat him. Uganda, Swaziland, Morocco, Somalia and Egypt are the only African nations to recognise Kibaki so far.

Then there are threats in the air by Western powers to cut direct aid. But as Kenya gets less than five percent of its budget that way, the impact would be largely symbolic.Some who know Kenya well say that rather than a dramatic transformation in the last three weeks, Kibaki is in fact only showing qualities he has hidden for decades.

As a legislator in every parliament since 1963 independence, Kibaki has exhibited plenty of political guile and strength during a career that includes a decade as vice-president for Moi -- the man with whom he was seen as representing a clean break.

And while he belatedly benefited from the advent of multi-party politics in the 1990s, critics remember his comments in previous years likening those seeking to end one-party rule to daydreamers trying to fell a tree with a razor blade.

africa.reuters.com/wire/news/usnL18466157.html

[JAHAATWACH]

Kibaki afflicted by the ‘African disease’
FINANCIAL GAZETTE,
ZIMBAMBWE
Mavis Makuni Own Correspondent

As Zimbabwe prepares to stage elections in the next two months, according to the government, it continues to be instructive to watch electoral processes in other countries so as to avoid certain pitfalls and adopt transparent practices that remove barriers to the genuine expression of the will of the people.

The debacle in Kenya has many lessons for Zimbabweans, who are already familiar with the ramifications of political violence and disputed election results.

What is so excruciating about the Kenyan situation is that it was not supposed to happen under a government headed by a man who was swept to power on a tidal wave of the people's hunger for change.

Mwai Kibaki's government came to power with the promise of moving the country forward after decades of Daniel Arap Moi's autocratic and corrupt governance. Regrettably, once ensconced in Kenya's state house, Kibaki has betrayed the people by condoning and entrenching the abuses of the previous administration.

A lesson for opposition parties such as Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change and the one expected to emerge after a breakaway from ZANU PF, is that when the people agitate for change, they desire genuine change, not the mere supplanting of the visage of one authoritarian leader for that of a political clone equally afflicted with imperviousness to their aspirations.

Ruling parties in turn must realize that regardless of how long it takes, hard–nosed intransigence characterized by a resort to subterfuge is a recipe for inevitable disaster. Trickery and cosmetic changes in response to deeply felt national grievances and perceived injustices can only work for so long. At some point, the dam will burst, with tragic consequences such as the unnecessary loss of life in Kenya.

Moi's administration was criticized for its poor human rights record and the use of the legal system to harass government critics. Under Moi, opposition leaders and pro–democracy activists were subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention without trial and abuse in custody.

These and rampant corruption such as that which manifested itself in the Goldenberg scandal, which cost the equivalent of Kenya's gross domestic product, resulted in international donors withdrawing aid and countries like the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom and Norway breaking off diplomatic relations.

Under Kibaki, politically motivated human rights abuses abated but the security forces, particularly the police, were still accused of perpetrating atrocities against innocent citizens. The police force has been described as the most corrupt entity in Kenya, accused of demanding bribes, using excessive force and complicity in criminal activities. Most of these unacceptable traits which Kibaki allowed to remain unchecked have become evident in the current crisis.

The Kibaki government's disproportionate show of force in recent weeks using an organisation already notorious for being trigger–happy has resulted in the death so far of 700 Kenyans for whom voting should have been an empowering rather than fatal experience.

But despite the escalating bloodbath, Kibaki continues to exhibit the unmistakable symptoms of the "African disease"– a single–minded unwillingness to yield power under any circumstances.Zimbabwe has similar problems. Its police force is notorious for its brutality and the authorities are accused of condoning widespread abuse of police power.

The police force openly enforces laws selectively, including those pertaining to freedom of speech and assembly which ultimately impact on the integrity of the electoral process and its outcome.
The Kibaki government was reported this week to have rejected a bid by former United Nations secretary general, Kofi Annan, to help end the harvest of death.

The Minister of Roads and Public Works, John Michuki declared: "If Kofi Annan is coming, he is coming not at our invitation. We won the elections so do not see the point of anyone coming to mediate power sharing."

It is clear that despite knowing the election results were disputed, all that those in power are now worried about is safeguarding their positions and sinecures. They are not bothered that hundreds of the very people they are supposed to have been elected to serve are losing their lives.

African governments have yet to accept the fact that disputed election results are not cast in stone. Out of self–interest, officials stubbornly refuse to acknowledge that the simplest way to deal with these disputes is to open the electoral process up to scrutiny. If the victorious party won legitimately, it should have nothing to fear from a re–rerun of the polls or a recount of the ballots.

Some ruling parties that have held sway in Africa since the end of colonialism have simply refused to accept that it is impossible to have fair and valid results from elections conducted in a flawed environment openly tilted in the sitting government's favour.

This was a factor in Kenya where Kibaki's main challenger and losing presidential candidate, Raila Odinga, charged that the Electoral Commission of Kenya was dominated by Kibaki's cronies and was therefore biased and prone to manipulation. The government has neither disputed this serious charge nor explained why the integrity of the electoral body has been compromised by inundating it with government apologists and beneficiaries of state patronage.

The role and composition of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has equally been a bone of contention because of charges that it is stuffed with ruling party loyalists and military /security operatives.

As this country's dreaded elections loom, official calls for non–violence are reaching a crescendo, the latest being made by judge president, Justice Rita Makarau who said this week : "We, as the courts stand ready to play our part in ensuring that the rights of individuals enshrined in the constitution of Zimbabwe will be given legal expression to, before, during and after the elections."

She called on the people of Zimbabwe to accept the results of the harmonized polls to be held in March. But how sincere are these calls in the midst of all else that is wrong in the country?
Me thinks the learned judge doth protest too much – in the wrong vein. The authorities cannot call for the acceptance of election results without taking any measures to ensure the existence of a level electoral playing field.

Justice Makarau knows this has been a contentious issue for many years but the judiciary has been conspicuous by its deafening silence even when blatant abuses and irregularities have been exposed.

A disturbing report is published elsewhere in this issue about the alleged intimidation of rural voters that is already in full swing as reported by Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) observers.
The methods of coercion range from threats of repercussions if the ruling party loses to using government handouts to "buy votes" even before polling day.

The declaration by Justice Makarau that the judiciary stands ready to defend the constitutional rights of Zimbabweans is therefore as hollow as her exhortation on the acceptance of the results is insincere. This plea is analogous to a criminal who declares: "I did not kill Mr X" before he or she has been charged with any crime.

There would be no need for any trepidation about the reaction of Zimbabweans to election results if polls were conducted in a free and fair atmosphere. The results would speak for themselves.
The unease betrayed by a need to campaign for the acceptance of the outcome beforehand implies that the winner is already known.

But electoral victory should reflect an expression of the will of the people, not the wishes of a particular party.
www.fingaz.co.zw/story.aspx?stid=2009

[wakwitu]

Jahaatwach:
Thanx.
Kibaki and his cabal probably did not anticipate the sort of reaction that they are getting from the outside world. It is not surprising therefore that they put together that joke of KM committee, but the world see right through that.

That even a reporter in Zim sees the sinister move is telling of how besieged they are. The pressure has to continue.

[deyiengs]

THESE WONT MATTER TO KIBAKI. NOT WHEN HE HE PLACES ADS LIKE THESE:

[JAHAATWACH]

Kenya election was rigged – regional MPs

BY CHARLES KAZOOBA IN KAMPALA
The New Times,Rwanda

Members of Parliament from the Great Lakes Region have claimed that Mwai Kibaki is holding the Kenyan presidency illegitimately. The lawmakers, grouped in Amani (Swahili for peace).

The [Amani]Forum – composed of parliamentarians from a number of countries in the region, are demanding a vote recount and establishment of a transitional government that would institute a repeat of the presidential election.

“Kibaki is sitting in that chair (presidential seat) illegitimately,” MP Betty Amongi, the chairperson Amani-Uganda Chapter told a news conference in Kampala yesterday.

www.newtimes.co.rw/index.php?issue=13406&article=3476

[mzee]

JAHAATWACH,

THE WHOLE WORLD CANNOT BE WRONG ABOUT THE FACT THAT KIBAKI RIGGED THE ELECTIONS. THE FACT THAT NON IN THE ENTIRE WORLD EXCEPT FOR PANUist AGREE THAT THE ELECTIONS WERE STOLEN IS ENOUGH. PUTTING A MILLION MORE ADDS IN NEWSPAPERS ONLY FUELS THE PEOPLE ANGER. KIBAKI MUST BE BOTH DEAF AND BLIND.

[politicalmaniac]

What gen Kegs needs to work on is an honorable exit strategy. His administration is non existent in 6 provinces. What about the so called new districts? Will they ever see the light of day?

ODM seems to be planning and strategizing on how to counter this dishonorable fellow, both in Parliament and outside. I think that they are aware the impasse wil be a long drawn out affair and they have now readjusted their methods and strategies.

More importantly the masses HAVE REFUSED to allow this theft to stand!

The only weapon the Govt has is brute force.
Is that how they want to rule?

[dola121945]

EU Parliament Resolution on kenya.

www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+TA+P6-TA-2008-0018+0+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=EN

European Parliament resolution of 17 January 2008 on Kenya
The European Parliament ,

– having regard to the preliminary statement of the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) to Kenya of 1 January 2008,

– having regard to the Declaration by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union concerning the African Union mediation efforts in Kenya of 11 January 2008,

– having regard to the African Charter of Human and Peoples" Rights, 1981, and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, 2007,

– having regard to the African Union Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa, 2002,

– having regard to the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation and the Code of Conduct for International Election Observers, commemorated at the United Nations on 27 October 2005,

– having regard to the Partnership Agreement between the members of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States, of the one part, and the European Community and its Member States, of the other part, signed in Cotonou on 23 June 2000 (the Cotonou Agreement) and amended in Luxembourg on 25 June 2005, in particular Articles 8 and 9 thereof,

– having regard to Rule 103(4) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas presidential and legislative elections were held in Kenya on 27 December 2007, in which nine parties fielded presidential candidates, including Mwai Kibaki of the Party of National Unity (PNU) and Raila Odinga, leader of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM),

B. whereas the two major parties, the PNU and the ODM, won, respectively, 43 and 99 seats out of a total of 210 in the national parliament,

C. whereas the 2007 presidential elections in Kenya fell short of basic international and regional standards for democratic elections and were followed by rioting that led to the death of over 600 people,

D. whereas the political violence that followed the elections led to the displacement of 250 000 people and affected between 400 000 and 500 000 Kenyans, specifically from the cities of Eldoret, Kericho and Kisumu, according to the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA),

E. whereas the current political crisis arose mainly from tension in the former National Rainbow Coalition (NARC), which won the Kenyan elections in 2000, when Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga agreed to share power, an agreement which was not honoured,

F. whereas the recommendations made by the 2002 EU EOM were not taken sufficiently into consideration, including those on the size and boundaries of the constituencies for the general elections and the recommendation that the tenure of the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) should be extended to six months after general elections, in order to enhance its independence and professionalism,

G. noting that the atmosphere of the 2007 electoral campaign was characterised by a strong political polarisation between the Kibaki and Odinga camps, which led to a tense atmosphere in their respective ethnic communities,

H. whereas the presidential elections have betrayed the hopes and expectations of the Kenyan people, who eagerly engaged in the electoral process by voting in large numbers in a peaceful and patient manner,

I. whereas intense diplomatic efforts, including the mediating mission of the African Union chairman and President of Ghana, John Kofi Agyekum Kufuor, and efforts made by four former presidents have failed to resolve the political crisis,

J. whereas on 8 January Mwai Kibaki unilaterally appointed 17 members of his cabinet, before the international mediation had run its course, thus effectively pre-empting a tripartite negotiation and prompting the ODM to resume mass protests,

K. whereas during the election campaign freedom of association, freedom of expression and freedom of assembly were broadly respected; whereas the campaign was, however, also marked by ethno-political divisions, which contributed to the volatile situation in the run-up to the elections,

L. whereas the international community did not pay sufficient attention to the underlying ethnic tensions and must henceforth take this issue into consideration in any future mediation efforts in the current Kenyan crisis,

M. whereas the ECK oversaw the logistical and technical aspect of the elections, improved access to voter registration centres and trained the polling staff,

N. whereas the ECK did not, however, demonstrate the impartiality, transparency and confidentiality that are prerequisites in a democratic election, and whereas this is reflected in the flawed procedures for appointing ECK commissioners,

O. whereas the EU EOM observers were welcomed by the relevant authorities at polling stations, where polling was conducted in an orderly manner,

P. whereas the EU EOM observers were not, however, given similar access to tallying stations and whereas they concluded that the lack of transparency and adequate security procedures severely undermined the credibility of the presidential election results,

Q. whereas turnouts of over 90 % were recorded at certain polling stations and whereas the ECK voiced doubts about these unrealistically high figures,

R. whereas the EU EOM concluded that, overall, the election process prior to tabulation was well managed and that the parliamentary elections were deemed largely successful,

S. whereas the EU EOM concluded, however, that the tallying process in the presidential election lacked credibility and therefore expressed doubts as to the accuracy of the results,

T. whereas, according to the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, threats have been made against members of the Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice Initiative (KPTJ), a coalition of independent NGOs which was formed in the aftermath of the elections to denounce electoral fraud and support freedom of expression and association in the country,

U. whereas Kenya has made commitments to respect for fundamental civil rights, democracy based on the rule of law and transparent and accountable governance within the framework of the Cotonou Agreement,

1. Condemns the tragic loss of life and critical humanitarian situation, and calls urgently on the relevant authorities and stakeholders to do their utmost to bring peace to the Republic of Kenya and to ensure respect for human rights and the rule of law;

2. Endorses the conclusions presented by the EU EOM in its preliminary statement;

3. Regrets that, despite the broadly successful parliamentary elections, the results of the presidential elections cannot be considered credible owing to widespread reports of electoral irregularities;

4. Deplores the fact that Mwai Kibaki, appointed his cabinet unilaterally, which severely undermined mediation efforts;

5. Calls on Mwai Kibaki, to respect his country's democratic commitments as enshrined in the Constitution of Kenya, the African Charter of Human and Peoples' Rights and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and to agree to an independent examination of the presidential vote; urges the Kenyan authorities, in addition, to facilitate such an investigation in order to redress the situation and make the perpetrators of the electoral irregularities accountable for their actions;

6. Urges the Kenyan authorities to guarantee in all circumstances the physical and psychological integrity of KPTJ members and all human rights defenders in the country and to put an end to all acts of harassment directed against human rights defenders in Kenya;

7. Calls on both sides urgently to engage in tangible remedial action through negotiation; supports, in this regard, further mediation efforts by a panel of African elders led by Kofi Annan, the former United Nations Secretary-General;

8. Calls on the Presidency of the European Union and the Commission to monitor closely the mediation mission led by Kofi Annan and, if required, to ensure an immediate continuation of those mediation efforts by a high-level European Union delegation, possibly in the context of a joint EU-AU initiative; calls on the Commission to offer to the Kenyan authorities all necessary technical and financial assistance in the process of an independent examination of the presidential elections, as well as in the steps deemed necessary to redress the situation;

9. Welcomes the fact that the newly elected parliament showed its independence by the election of Mr Kenneth Marende as its speaker and underlines the decisive role to be played by that parliament in restoring civil liberties in Kenya;

10. Calls for concrete measures to establish a truly impartial Election Commission which will be better able to conduct free and fair elections in the future;

11. Draws attention to the statement by Samuel Kivuitu, Chairman of the ECK, who has distanced himself from the presidential election results published in the media and called for an independent inquiry into the allegations of fraud;

12. Calls for fresh presidential elections should it prove impossible to organise a credible and fair recount of the votes cast in the presidential election by an independent body;

13. Regrets the failure to take advantage of the opportunity provided by the 2007 presidential elections to consolidate and further develop the electoral and wider democratic process;

14. Calls on the leadership of the political parties to take responsibility for preventing further violence in the country, demonstrate a commitment to the rule of law and guarantee respect for human rights;

15. Is deeply preoccupied by the social repercussions of the current economic crisis, its detrimental effect on the country's socio-economic development and the economic consequences for neighbouring countries, which depend to a large extent on Kenya's infrastructures and whose humanitarian situation is being undermined by the crisis;

16. Calls on the Kenyan Government and the Commission to arrange rapid humanitarian assistance to the internally displaced people and to provide all necessary humanitarian relief workers;

17. Calls on the relevant authorities to ensure free and independent press coverage and to reinstate live broadcasting with immediate effect;

18. Regrets the disbursement of European Development Fund budget aid to the Kibaki government directly after the elections, which could be misconceived as demonstrating political bias, and asks for all further budgetary support to the government of Kenya to be frozen until a political resolution to the present crisis has been achieved;

19. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the governments of the Member States, the government of Kenya, the Co-Presidents of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly and the Chairmen of the Commission and the Executive Council of the African Union.

[mzee]

deyiengs said:

THESE WONT MATTER TO KIBAKI. NOT WHEN HE HE PLACES ADS LIKE THESE:

What I find interesting with ADVERTISEMENT is that it names PEOPLE COUNTRIES AND ORGANIZATION WHICH ALL SAY THAT KIBAKI STOLE THE VOTE.

THE IRONY IN THE AD IS THAT THERE IS NO MENTION OF ANYBODY OR ORGANISATION WHICH SUPPORTS THE THIEF. OH! MUSEVENI, I FORGOT