Post by politicalmaniac on May 22, 2006 20:57:36 GMT 3
THE prose style of this article is ponderous and unattractive,poorly edited, occasionally confusing, but its message is spot on deadly accurate.
Enjoy!
Kindly publish this article in your daily editions.
2007 ELECTION VOTES FROM RIFT VALLEY WILL BE ALL ABOUT LAND AND DEVOLUTION; UHURU AND MOI HAVE BOTH FAILED TO HANDLE THE ISSUES EFFECTIVELY WHILE RUTO RISES.
Dr Josephat K. Arap Tum. Seattle, Washington. USA.
With the nation prematurely entering into 2007 electioneering frenzy, it is important to start reflecting on some regional political view points. My focus is on the populous and vast Rift Valley Province, which has grown into Kenya's hotbed of politics. Estimates of more than two million votes from the predominant Kalenjin, Maasai and their related pastoral neighbours, Turkana and Samburu together with recent immigrant communities and urban cosmopolitian residents, may ultimately determine Kenya's political future. I will restrict my opinion within the political context of the Kalenjin-Maasai-Turkana-Samburu (KAMATUSA) axis, which forms the bulk of Rift Valley votes.
While acknowledging political and socio-economic intra-community differences in interests and diversity within this bloc, two major issues tend to galvanize the individual ethnic entities into a convergent locus; land and devolution. This is primarily due to rapid population growth and inward migration, which have put so much pressure on limited land and water resources, eliciting inter-ethnic competition and occasional clashes. There is thus an emerging local desire for more participatory grassroots governance (devolution).
The powerful force of fear (real or imagined) as a campaign gimmick; fear of dispossession of land, fear of explosive migration exerting more pressure on scarce land, and lack of constitutionally guaranteed safeguards to protect and respect private land sanctity, may be highlighted conspicuously during the 2007 campaigns given; fresh memories of forced evictions from Rift Valley's Mau Forest, and the executive-ignored Ogiek court order debacle. The NARC government's bias against the Maasai, while resolving the Likia/Naivasha land and water clashes will definitely come up as a fear factor during the 2007 elections.
The NARC government indicated signs that powerful individuals including MPs and Cabinet Ministers, companies, organizations and corporations, may have been showing strong interest towards Rift Valley's limited land and resources. Some were often behind front-line skirmishes disguised as struggle for land to settle the poor from other impoverished areas; or camouflage policy decisions (such as Forest Protection or "Water Catchment" relocation policies, or tending "Shambas" within Forests), all aimed at cunning-acquisitions of more land in Rift Valley.
Does the NARC government (or any other government under the current constitution ) protect sanctity of private land owned by Rift Valley residents? Be the judge. Will KANU, under a government led for instance by Uhuru Kenyatta, guarantee that very sanctity? Most likely not. This sounds quite paradoxic, but historic evidence so far indicates that too much vested interests by individual owners of huge tracts of land, private firms including Uhuru's own logging and timber companies, and other corporate interests may only work against the land interests of the common Rift Valley residents. The reality is that the residents' fears may not be addressed by heavily baggaged leaders like Uhuru Kenyatta, representing a multitude of interests. Land priorities for native residents will be substituted by other lucrative business interests which may even propagate environmental decline.
Role of Rift Valley Province in Kenya's 2007 elections.
What role will Rift Valley play therefore, in national politics during the 2007 elections and beyond? Voters are heavily influenced by analyses of who is likely to assist them protect their interests, analyses complicated by questions of short to medium and long run potential, and questions of whether it is better to be ‘in’ Government or ‘out ‘ of such "foreseen" Government.
The idea of ethnic voting blocs headed by ethnic ‘big men’ coming together to form winning and losing coalitions, is not new to Kenyan politics. Ethnic alliances will definitely characterize general elections and Rift Valley will be part and parcel of that. Just think of the formation of NARC as a broad, multi-ethnic coalition in 2002 and the victory of the coalition and it’s Presidential candidate, Mwai Kibaki, in the 2002 General Election. Uhuru Kenyatta's recent argument against coalitions is defeatist. Coalitions, an euphemism for ethnic alliances, will still end up being formed in 2007.
Kibaki's betrayal of his NARC partners should not be used in any argument against coalitions by Uhuru Kenyatta since this underscores a point that only hurts his own political interests. If Kibaki was basically 'anti-coalition" but tricked his partners into it, and now Uhuru is already declaring his "anti-coalition" stand in advance, is he not displaying some likeness to Kibaki who demonstrated outright penchant for consolidating all power to himself, rather than uniting and sharing real responsibilities with others.
NARC’s victory, and in particular its multi-ethnic and trans-national appeal, appeared to herald a new type of political culture, in which Kenyans supported a coalition (alliance) because of its ideals and manifesto, with questions of ethnicity being cleverly placed on the back burner. Ideals and manifesto hot-points in 2007 may include stand on constitution (with clear position on devolution, land and power-sharing), stand on anti-corruption and outlaid plans for fair and equitable wealth-sharing (development) across the whole nation.
It may be expected that Rift Valley will join other like-minded political formations or ethnic voting blocs, in a broad interest coalition. The groundwork for this expectation may have already been laid out during the ODM-led referendum campaigns that defeated the pro-government Wako draft. Those in denial about ODM's existence are simply disingenuous. Those absolving the NARC government from blame over the constitution stalemate, instead throwing the blame on ODM or raising unrealistic expectations from ODM, are peddling fantastic lies. Like other parts of Kenya, Rift Valley residents know exactly where their interests are bound to suffer and where they have a chance not to be left out, be they Armophous entities or not. I can certainly predict that both Biwott-led and Uhuru-led factions of KANU, without Ruto and his supporters are both doomed in Rift Valley, notwithstanding Moi's stature.
Any Rift Valley resident dismissing Ruto's political clout should do so at their own peril. Anyone dismissing ODM's political chances, an outfit described by Moi himself as having "acquired a life of it's own" while specifically pin-pointing Ruto and Raila as ODM's engine, is simply wallowing in false comfort. The youthful Eldoret-North MP, William Ruto, played a great role in energizing his ethnic base towards an ODM led, land-and-devolution focused unity of purpose. A call for ethnic unity and need to protect Rift Valley land and resources from corrupt and mouth-watering grabbers was passionately made and silently incorporated into the ODM framework. Does anyone think this has suddenly changed?
The rise of William Ruto and his closeness to Raila within ODM which includes other ethnic chieftains, is indeed an earth-shaking and complex calculation that sends ripples across the political realm. This unity could actually progress and play out as per script in the 2007 elections, despite former President Moi's resistance.
True, many in Rift Valley know that Mzee Moi won the 1992 and 1997 elections with less than 40% of the total votes due to opposition disunity then. Moi's dream (on Uhuru's behalf) for such repeat disintegration, coming again in 2007 is cleverly checked by unity-conscious leaders who've traveled the lone-ranger route before and got humiliated. The Raila's, Kalonzo's, Ruto's and Musalia's of contemporary Kenya will strike out a unity pact any day to avoid humiliation. They will just ensure the arithmetic summations favour their side, whichever side it is. Mark these words. Don't even rule out Raila and Ruto spearheading Kalonzo's 2007 campaign, if a point is to be proven.
William Ruto has graduated with full honours in a new political school of igniting strong passion and belief in certain populist ideals. He has ignited passionate pro-devolution and land ideals so strongly within his community, that he will be looked upon for guidance for such a long time to come. The brave William Ruto, has talked his talk and is now walking his walk, even if it means differing in principle with retired president Moi, who always shied away from the politics of Kalenjin nationalism and sensitive land discussions. My extensive visit recently across five districts within Rift Valley, left me astounded realizing the passionate awe and confidence that the locals have developed towards Ruto.
Does the Raila-Ruto political friendship complicate internal ODM arrangements? Yes as far as Uhuru and Moi are concerned. Ruto is saliently telling his Rift Valley base that the future lays not exclusively in Moi anymore, but in forged alliances with others already in ODM. He cautions in veiled fashion, that what Moi and Uhuru are up to, is basically their individual and personal interests, whereas he (Ruto) offers himself to champion collective Rift Valley interests while cooperating with other Kenyans, as a KANU leader.
What about Kalonzo Musyoka ? Kalonzo Musyoka maybe a popular compromise presidential candidate today ( just as Kibaki was in 2002) , but who knows whether he has been subjected to another test of loyalty by his colleagues Raila, Musalia, Balala, Ruto and others, who may be leading him towards a path of battling the temptation to ditch his colleagues and join a Moi fronted alliance with Uhuru as a test of character. His strengths (astuteness) and weaknesses ( any chance of betrayal) could probably be under intense examination before a final endorsement or rejection. Examination of Musyoka's character could be in progress, not just by his colleagues, but by all stakeholders in Kenya. Fearful Rift Valley residents sharing common ideals espoused best by William Ruto, are closely watching Kalonzo Musyoka who is under test, only wishing to tell whether his inclination rests more towards Moi's proxy or Ruto.
Ethnicity is not of decreasing political significance in Kenya, if anything it’s perceived import is increasing since President Kibaki assumed power. Of particular relevance is the fact that, in many areas there is currently a growing disillusionment with the NARC Government and a developing feeling that it is a Mount Kenya Government, in both personnel and motivation. Common are the references made in Rift Valley for example, to comments by certain Central Province Cabinet Ministers that the Presidency should be kept within Central from now on, and that decreased Presidential powers are now of less importance than in the 1990s, since today the President is "one of their own".
Role of Moi /Uhuru in Rift Valley voting come 2007.
How many individuals today in Rift Valley hold the dual and seemingly paradoxical view that Daniel arap Moi is a ruthless politician who shows little mercy for his opponents, and stamps out alternative Kalenjin power bases (like Ruto's), whilst also being a good and generous Mzee worthy of respect? It is this paradox that draws Hon. William Ruto more sympathy and support from his disillusioned ethnic base. Moi gets the respect, while Ruto commands ground support. Moi signifies the towering past, while Ruto is the promising star for the future.
Rift Valley residents through Ruto are probably learning that the best political tactic is to strengthen a sense of community, to unite behind one spokesman, own or dominate a party, and then enter a multi-ethnic coalition, and bargain for prominence from a position of numerical strength. A tactic which encourages communities and more specifically their leaders, to act according to ethnically influenced codes of behaviour. Ruto is currently wearing the Rift Valley codes on his forehead, seen and appreciated by all and sundry. Should Rift Valley choose between a tested youth in William Ruto or a priviledged greenhorn, in Gideon Moi?
Mzee Moi is equally tactful and cunning, fronting his interests, and his son Gideon's prospects, behind a youthful Central Kenya scion of the nation's first President Jomo Kenyatta. However, increasing numbers of Kalenjin are growing uncomfortable with Moi's defiant support for Uhuru, instead viewing it as selfish and a spoiler-move against the popular Ruto. They could be questioning whether Moi is beautifully keen to protect his individual interests and ego while abandoning greater Rift Valley concerns. They seem to be responding by strengthening ethnic unity and even reinvigorating the cross-ethnic KAMATUSA clarion around Ruto.
Amongst many Kalenjin, there are currently clear and conscious home-grown moves to foster a feeling of Kalenjin pride and unity. University students are forming more Kalenjin student associations, middle-ranking businessmen and civil servants are attending meetings of a Kalenjin Christian Foundation, while Kalenjin abroad are forming Diaspora groups. The new Kalenjin radio station, Kass FM, has gained a massive fan base across Kalenjinland since it first went on air, in 2004. Its programmes include discussions of local culture and history, as well as discussions regarding; land, education, health, and agriculture with slots for comedy. Mzee Moi must realize that William Ruto is only politically responding to the changing needs of his community.
During the referendum campaign, Hon. William Ruto, gained massive popular political ground as an outspoken defendant of the Kalenjin community. He rightfully emerged as ‘the’ community spokesman. William Ruto was given that mantle of being at a public meeting attended by a significant number of national and local level Kalenjin politicians. And earlier this year in what is now known as the ‘Eldama Ravine Declaration’, 15 Kalenjin MP’s publicly announced their support for Ruto as the KANU Presidential candidate for 2007. Since then, Ruto has declared his intentions to stand against Uhuru Kenyatta, Moi’s handpicked successor. Although Moi has declared that he did not support any candidate in KANU, he has expressed dislike for the public support by Rift Valley MP’s for Ruto's candidature. Mzee Moi should realize that the Rift Valley experience under NARC, increasing land pressure, and an elusive pro-devolution constitution, there is little option left, but to enter coalitions and alliances with common minded parties like LDP. Ruto backed by a solid KANU following, appears to have read his community's pulse meticulously and should not be dragged down by powerful internal forces.
Dr. Josephat K. Arap Tum.
Seattle, Washington. USA.
Enjoy!
Kindly publish this article in your daily editions.
2007 ELECTION VOTES FROM RIFT VALLEY WILL BE ALL ABOUT LAND AND DEVOLUTION; UHURU AND MOI HAVE BOTH FAILED TO HANDLE THE ISSUES EFFECTIVELY WHILE RUTO RISES.
Dr Josephat K. Arap Tum. Seattle, Washington. USA.
With the nation prematurely entering into 2007 electioneering frenzy, it is important to start reflecting on some regional political view points. My focus is on the populous and vast Rift Valley Province, which has grown into Kenya's hotbed of politics. Estimates of more than two million votes from the predominant Kalenjin, Maasai and their related pastoral neighbours, Turkana and Samburu together with recent immigrant communities and urban cosmopolitian residents, may ultimately determine Kenya's political future. I will restrict my opinion within the political context of the Kalenjin-Maasai-Turkana-Samburu (KAMATUSA) axis, which forms the bulk of Rift Valley votes.
While acknowledging political and socio-economic intra-community differences in interests and diversity within this bloc, two major issues tend to galvanize the individual ethnic entities into a convergent locus; land and devolution. This is primarily due to rapid population growth and inward migration, which have put so much pressure on limited land and water resources, eliciting inter-ethnic competition and occasional clashes. There is thus an emerging local desire for more participatory grassroots governance (devolution).
The powerful force of fear (real or imagined) as a campaign gimmick; fear of dispossession of land, fear of explosive migration exerting more pressure on scarce land, and lack of constitutionally guaranteed safeguards to protect and respect private land sanctity, may be highlighted conspicuously during the 2007 campaigns given; fresh memories of forced evictions from Rift Valley's Mau Forest, and the executive-ignored Ogiek court order debacle. The NARC government's bias against the Maasai, while resolving the Likia/Naivasha land and water clashes will definitely come up as a fear factor during the 2007 elections.
The NARC government indicated signs that powerful individuals including MPs and Cabinet Ministers, companies, organizations and corporations, may have been showing strong interest towards Rift Valley's limited land and resources. Some were often behind front-line skirmishes disguised as struggle for land to settle the poor from other impoverished areas; or camouflage policy decisions (such as Forest Protection or "Water Catchment" relocation policies, or tending "Shambas" within Forests), all aimed at cunning-acquisitions of more land in Rift Valley.
Does the NARC government (or any other government under the current constitution ) protect sanctity of private land owned by Rift Valley residents? Be the judge. Will KANU, under a government led for instance by Uhuru Kenyatta, guarantee that very sanctity? Most likely not. This sounds quite paradoxic, but historic evidence so far indicates that too much vested interests by individual owners of huge tracts of land, private firms including Uhuru's own logging and timber companies, and other corporate interests may only work against the land interests of the common Rift Valley residents. The reality is that the residents' fears may not be addressed by heavily baggaged leaders like Uhuru Kenyatta, representing a multitude of interests. Land priorities for native residents will be substituted by other lucrative business interests which may even propagate environmental decline.
Role of Rift Valley Province in Kenya's 2007 elections.
What role will Rift Valley play therefore, in national politics during the 2007 elections and beyond? Voters are heavily influenced by analyses of who is likely to assist them protect their interests, analyses complicated by questions of short to medium and long run potential, and questions of whether it is better to be ‘in’ Government or ‘out ‘ of such "foreseen" Government.
The idea of ethnic voting blocs headed by ethnic ‘big men’ coming together to form winning and losing coalitions, is not new to Kenyan politics. Ethnic alliances will definitely characterize general elections and Rift Valley will be part and parcel of that. Just think of the formation of NARC as a broad, multi-ethnic coalition in 2002 and the victory of the coalition and it’s Presidential candidate, Mwai Kibaki, in the 2002 General Election. Uhuru Kenyatta's recent argument against coalitions is defeatist. Coalitions, an euphemism for ethnic alliances, will still end up being formed in 2007.
Kibaki's betrayal of his NARC partners should not be used in any argument against coalitions by Uhuru Kenyatta since this underscores a point that only hurts his own political interests. If Kibaki was basically 'anti-coalition" but tricked his partners into it, and now Uhuru is already declaring his "anti-coalition" stand in advance, is he not displaying some likeness to Kibaki who demonstrated outright penchant for consolidating all power to himself, rather than uniting and sharing real responsibilities with others.
NARC’s victory, and in particular its multi-ethnic and trans-national appeal, appeared to herald a new type of political culture, in which Kenyans supported a coalition (alliance) because of its ideals and manifesto, with questions of ethnicity being cleverly placed on the back burner. Ideals and manifesto hot-points in 2007 may include stand on constitution (with clear position on devolution, land and power-sharing), stand on anti-corruption and outlaid plans for fair and equitable wealth-sharing (development) across the whole nation.
It may be expected that Rift Valley will join other like-minded political formations or ethnic voting blocs, in a broad interest coalition. The groundwork for this expectation may have already been laid out during the ODM-led referendum campaigns that defeated the pro-government Wako draft. Those in denial about ODM's existence are simply disingenuous. Those absolving the NARC government from blame over the constitution stalemate, instead throwing the blame on ODM or raising unrealistic expectations from ODM, are peddling fantastic lies. Like other parts of Kenya, Rift Valley residents know exactly where their interests are bound to suffer and where they have a chance not to be left out, be they Armophous entities or not. I can certainly predict that both Biwott-led and Uhuru-led factions of KANU, without Ruto and his supporters are both doomed in Rift Valley, notwithstanding Moi's stature.
Any Rift Valley resident dismissing Ruto's political clout should do so at their own peril. Anyone dismissing ODM's political chances, an outfit described by Moi himself as having "acquired a life of it's own" while specifically pin-pointing Ruto and Raila as ODM's engine, is simply wallowing in false comfort. The youthful Eldoret-North MP, William Ruto, played a great role in energizing his ethnic base towards an ODM led, land-and-devolution focused unity of purpose. A call for ethnic unity and need to protect Rift Valley land and resources from corrupt and mouth-watering grabbers was passionately made and silently incorporated into the ODM framework. Does anyone think this has suddenly changed?
The rise of William Ruto and his closeness to Raila within ODM which includes other ethnic chieftains, is indeed an earth-shaking and complex calculation that sends ripples across the political realm. This unity could actually progress and play out as per script in the 2007 elections, despite former President Moi's resistance.
True, many in Rift Valley know that Mzee Moi won the 1992 and 1997 elections with less than 40% of the total votes due to opposition disunity then. Moi's dream (on Uhuru's behalf) for such repeat disintegration, coming again in 2007 is cleverly checked by unity-conscious leaders who've traveled the lone-ranger route before and got humiliated. The Raila's, Kalonzo's, Ruto's and Musalia's of contemporary Kenya will strike out a unity pact any day to avoid humiliation. They will just ensure the arithmetic summations favour their side, whichever side it is. Mark these words. Don't even rule out Raila and Ruto spearheading Kalonzo's 2007 campaign, if a point is to be proven.
William Ruto has graduated with full honours in a new political school of igniting strong passion and belief in certain populist ideals. He has ignited passionate pro-devolution and land ideals so strongly within his community, that he will be looked upon for guidance for such a long time to come. The brave William Ruto, has talked his talk and is now walking his walk, even if it means differing in principle with retired president Moi, who always shied away from the politics of Kalenjin nationalism and sensitive land discussions. My extensive visit recently across five districts within Rift Valley, left me astounded realizing the passionate awe and confidence that the locals have developed towards Ruto.
Does the Raila-Ruto political friendship complicate internal ODM arrangements? Yes as far as Uhuru and Moi are concerned. Ruto is saliently telling his Rift Valley base that the future lays not exclusively in Moi anymore, but in forged alliances with others already in ODM. He cautions in veiled fashion, that what Moi and Uhuru are up to, is basically their individual and personal interests, whereas he (Ruto) offers himself to champion collective Rift Valley interests while cooperating with other Kenyans, as a KANU leader.
What about Kalonzo Musyoka ? Kalonzo Musyoka maybe a popular compromise presidential candidate today ( just as Kibaki was in 2002) , but who knows whether he has been subjected to another test of loyalty by his colleagues Raila, Musalia, Balala, Ruto and others, who may be leading him towards a path of battling the temptation to ditch his colleagues and join a Moi fronted alliance with Uhuru as a test of character. His strengths (astuteness) and weaknesses ( any chance of betrayal) could probably be under intense examination before a final endorsement or rejection. Examination of Musyoka's character could be in progress, not just by his colleagues, but by all stakeholders in Kenya. Fearful Rift Valley residents sharing common ideals espoused best by William Ruto, are closely watching Kalonzo Musyoka who is under test, only wishing to tell whether his inclination rests more towards Moi's proxy or Ruto.
Ethnicity is not of decreasing political significance in Kenya, if anything it’s perceived import is increasing since President Kibaki assumed power. Of particular relevance is the fact that, in many areas there is currently a growing disillusionment with the NARC Government and a developing feeling that it is a Mount Kenya Government, in both personnel and motivation. Common are the references made in Rift Valley for example, to comments by certain Central Province Cabinet Ministers that the Presidency should be kept within Central from now on, and that decreased Presidential powers are now of less importance than in the 1990s, since today the President is "one of their own".
Role of Moi /Uhuru in Rift Valley voting come 2007.
How many individuals today in Rift Valley hold the dual and seemingly paradoxical view that Daniel arap Moi is a ruthless politician who shows little mercy for his opponents, and stamps out alternative Kalenjin power bases (like Ruto's), whilst also being a good and generous Mzee worthy of respect? It is this paradox that draws Hon. William Ruto more sympathy and support from his disillusioned ethnic base. Moi gets the respect, while Ruto commands ground support. Moi signifies the towering past, while Ruto is the promising star for the future.
Rift Valley residents through Ruto are probably learning that the best political tactic is to strengthen a sense of community, to unite behind one spokesman, own or dominate a party, and then enter a multi-ethnic coalition, and bargain for prominence from a position of numerical strength. A tactic which encourages communities and more specifically their leaders, to act according to ethnically influenced codes of behaviour. Ruto is currently wearing the Rift Valley codes on his forehead, seen and appreciated by all and sundry. Should Rift Valley choose between a tested youth in William Ruto or a priviledged greenhorn, in Gideon Moi?
Mzee Moi is equally tactful and cunning, fronting his interests, and his son Gideon's prospects, behind a youthful Central Kenya scion of the nation's first President Jomo Kenyatta. However, increasing numbers of Kalenjin are growing uncomfortable with Moi's defiant support for Uhuru, instead viewing it as selfish and a spoiler-move against the popular Ruto. They could be questioning whether Moi is beautifully keen to protect his individual interests and ego while abandoning greater Rift Valley concerns. They seem to be responding by strengthening ethnic unity and even reinvigorating the cross-ethnic KAMATUSA clarion around Ruto.
Amongst many Kalenjin, there are currently clear and conscious home-grown moves to foster a feeling of Kalenjin pride and unity. University students are forming more Kalenjin student associations, middle-ranking businessmen and civil servants are attending meetings of a Kalenjin Christian Foundation, while Kalenjin abroad are forming Diaspora groups. The new Kalenjin radio station, Kass FM, has gained a massive fan base across Kalenjinland since it first went on air, in 2004. Its programmes include discussions of local culture and history, as well as discussions regarding; land, education, health, and agriculture with slots for comedy. Mzee Moi must realize that William Ruto is only politically responding to the changing needs of his community.
During the referendum campaign, Hon. William Ruto, gained massive popular political ground as an outspoken defendant of the Kalenjin community. He rightfully emerged as ‘the’ community spokesman. William Ruto was given that mantle of being at a public meeting attended by a significant number of national and local level Kalenjin politicians. And earlier this year in what is now known as the ‘Eldama Ravine Declaration’, 15 Kalenjin MP’s publicly announced their support for Ruto as the KANU Presidential candidate for 2007. Since then, Ruto has declared his intentions to stand against Uhuru Kenyatta, Moi’s handpicked successor. Although Moi has declared that he did not support any candidate in KANU, he has expressed dislike for the public support by Rift Valley MP’s for Ruto's candidature. Mzee Moi should realize that the Rift Valley experience under NARC, increasing land pressure, and an elusive pro-devolution constitution, there is little option left, but to enter coalitions and alliances with common minded parties like LDP. Ruto backed by a solid KANU following, appears to have read his community's pulse meticulously and should not be dragged down by powerful internal forces.
Dr. Josephat K. Arap Tum.
Seattle, Washington. USA.
