Post by adongo12345 on Sept 8, 2006 22:06:38 GMT 3
By Adongo Ogony
John Githongo said something everybody has been going around and which we need to address as a country. While receiving the KCA 2006 Excellence Award for outstanding sacrifice in fighting corruption in a ceremony held in Washington DC a few days ago, Mr. Githongo in his traditional forthright manner plainly warned Kenyans that nothing much would be achieved in fighting corruption, tribalism and nepotism without trimming the powers of the president.
“I believe the slippage in the overall reform programme most probably occurred because of the ruling elite’s determination to ensure that Presidential powers were not diffused by the new constitution which had been promised in the run-up to the elections. Ironically, opposition to this over concentration of power in the Executive had created the reputations of many of the administration’s most outstanding reformers.”
Right now Kenyans are engulfed in the debate about minimum and maximum reforms but try mentioning the powers of the president and the Kibaki people and even some human rights groups including faith groups would jump through the roof and start talking about ODM using it as an excuse to give their leaders positions. I am glad it is John Githongo once again who has put his hand on the real issue at hand. I think we should take Githongo’s warning very seriously.
The simple fact is that a lot of the problems we are dealing with are linked to the excessive powers of the president. The office of the president is like a bad curse in the nation. It is the undisputed headquarters of corruption in the country. Look at the fiasco with the Arturs and the raid on the Standard Newspapers and TV Network.
How do we explain the fact that a commission set to investigate the matter couldn’t even allow the tapes recovered from the house of the Artur crooks, which were believed to be the ones robbed from the Standard Building to be viewed? The Commission of Inquiry couldn’t call the associates of all these crooks, whom we know very well. Why? Because important people had to be protected and chances are they are important because they are part of the presidency. That is how powerful that institution is. It can protect criminals with a straight face and there is nothing anybody can do about it.
Kenyans know that the reason we don’t have a new constitution today is because BOMAS intended to distribute the powers of the president and Kibaki basically told us over his dead body. How long are we prepared to wait? That is the question.
The president practically runs the country as his private entity. He is above the law and all the watchdogs we have so far come up with have no authority and interest in questioning the actions of the big man. The president appoints most of these people anyway and not even the KACC can investigate anything linked to the president. This has been the case for forty years and counting and our country has paid dearly for this anomaly. Kenyans presidents have been accused of orchestrating murders, assassinations and massacres with the full knowledge that nothing can touch them.
I think the time has come to deal with this monster once and for all. Let us start with the premise that no president will be eager to give away their powers just after taking office. If anything our history tells us they will always add to their powers even when they promise the opposite to get elected. Kibaki has confirmed that to us. It would be dangerous to assume that as soon as an ODM president is elected, he will embark on an immediate process to distribute their powers. Even if we had an honest and genuine person at the top, they come with a constituency and sycophants who expect rewards from these excessive powers.
My point is that distributing the powers of the presidency should be a key part of whatever reforms we come up prior to the 2007 General Election. Let us distribute the powers now, whether that works better for Raila and his team or whether it works better for Kibaki is their problem. Ours is whether it works better for Kenyans and surely nothing can be worse than what we have now.
There is talk about the president not being able to dissolve parliament and having some of his appointees like PSs vetted, but really these are peripheral issues. The heart of the matter is establishing a Prime Minister’s office and devolving power to the regions to run their affairs without the president holding the whole country hostage to his whims.
Let us look at the Bomas proposals and address the concerns and even peruse through the disgraced Wako Draft and make efforts to resolve how that office will be run. At least this is one contentious issue we can resolve. If people think reducing the powers of the president makes it not powerful enough for them, they don’t have to run for the job. They can try being the local councillor.
My sense is that as soon as we start talking about dealing with the distribution of presidential powers everybody is going to see the need to complete the whole thing before the elections. I am all for minimum reforms but if the opportunity presents itself we should do the whole thing.
We all agree we cannot go to the polls with the constitutional status quo. Narc Kenya is already in turmoil as to which way to go. They want comprehensive reforms and know the time factor is not good and they forgot to put any money for the exercise. Karua now says money can be found and a supplementary budget set a side to complete the process. Why the flip-flop by Narc Kenya?
The reality is that minimum reforms are going to be a political disaster for Narc Kenya. The reforms will take away some of the privileges they enjoyed during the by-elections when they turned public resources into Narc Kenya property. With the emergence of the ODM Kenya as a major player Narc Kenya candidature is not that attractive anymore. In places like Western Province Narc Kenya stalwarts like Mukhisa Kituyi are already facing nightmares with the population who can’t stand Narc-K.
It was kind of sad to see Kituyi literally being humiliated in public as happened when he attended the Kijana Wamalwa memorial a couple of weeks ago in Bungoma. Kitiyu was forced to withdraw his leadership quest for Ford-K sensing the hostility towards him. A few days later, Kitiyu officially bolted to Narc Kenya knowing fully well that he is going fishing in a desert.
In Akamba land Narc Kenya is going nowhere and now with Michuki tearing into Madame Ngilu with his sexist and jingoist remarks about Akamba dancers, their chances are not going to get any better. They already sent Kalembe Ndile to hospital suffering from being hit by loud noise. I wonder what the doctor’s diagnosis turned out to be for Mheshimiwa Ndile.
In Rift Valley Narc Kenya hopes are with Moi, and judging by his rather lukewarm support despite all the efforts to get Mzee to blast ODM Kenya my suspicion is Moi is going to tell these guys to deal with their problems. He knows he is safe either way, so why antagonize anybody?
Then enter the minimum reforms and the campaign trail will see the ODM telling Kenyans how it was like pulling teeth to get Kibaki and his people to concede to minimum reforms. The ODM would easily convince Kenyans that they are the party to complete the process and they have a fairly good record on that one.
What could Narc Kenya possibly tell Kenyans about completing the reforms? Nothing. This means even after giving up a lot of room to facilitate minimum reforms, Narc K gets no political mileage. This is why they are doing the yoyo dance on the issue. They hate the idea but cannot afford a political battle with the rest of the country. My sense is that when push comes to shove Narc K would rather have comprehensive reforms even if it means finding away to do it before the elections.
ODM on the other hand would probably prefer minimum reforms, which they already have in the bag with the massive support the idea has received across the country. The ODM however wouldn’t mind the comprehensive reforms. It doesn’t change their political agenda going to the polls. They would still be in a pretty good shape to convince Kenyans that it would be suicidal to trust Kibaki to implement a constitution he has fought so hard to kill.
With comprehensive reforms Kibaki at least gets a fighting chance, much better than going to the polls with no reforms, which will turn the country into total chaos or going with minimum reforms which gives him nothing.
The big problem for Kibaki and his people is that they are allergic to power sharing and yet they know the imperial presidency will be a thing of the past in the new constitution. The only trick left for Kibaki and his people is to now become the allies of the civil society and keep harping on more stakeholders hoping they can drag things on for months and then finally say it is too late and hope that once Kibaki is elected again he can pull another five years with all the powers he so desperately wants to hang on to.
The big trouble we are having is that the civil society is terribly confused. A group like the KHRC shocked me with their position that they want comprehensive constitutional reforms either before or after the elections. I don’t know how many groups support this position, but I think it is utterly irresponsible to tell Kenyans we really don’t care when they get the new constitution as long as they get sometime in the future. Kenyans will not buy into that plan.
Then we have groups totally against minimum reforms ati because they are just intended to facilitate politicians taking or keeping power. I have always held the view that constitutions are essentially about power. How it is acquired, how it is exercised and how the ordinary wananchi can hold those they elect into offices accountable. Anybody thinking we are going to negotiate about the new constitution without the component of power involved must still be in Pluto even after they have declared it a non planet.
I think what we need in the civil society is a clear agenda for comprehensive reforms right before the elections and I believe we could convince politicians on both sides of the divide to embrace the idea regardless of their motives. To do this the civil society has to get straight with Kenyans.
Number one, we need to know how representation from the civil society sector in any discussions and negotiations about the constitution is going to be determined. Lets face it. Many Kenyans dislike the politicians and for good reasons, but at least they are elected representatives of the population. So how do we determine representation from the civil society? Are they going to be Nairobi based NGOs? We are also talking about a multi-sectoral approach, which sectors are we allowing in the talks and on what basis?
The idea that inclusion of the civil society means Rev. Timothy Njoya being welcomed at the Windsor Hotel, or Mutava Muysimi dusting up his old mailing list for delegates is not going to take us far. Civil society groups, which we know are neither homogeneous nor free from the ills that plague our society including tribalism and corruption should not be grabbing the microphones demanding that individuals within their groups be invited to the table but rather that there is an equitable representation from across the country.
The logistics for determining this representation is bound to take time. We could go with geographic representation say having district delegates or constituency delegates elected. That could take up to six months to accomplish, assuming we are moving at break neck speed and there are no saboteurs at work. We could use sectoral formulae so different sectors like faith groups, students, human rights organizations etc can elect their delegates.
The bottom line is the system has to be transparent and democratic. We cannot demand accountability from politicians when civil society delegates are handpicked by the well connected. The end product would be a Constituent Assembly, which will then integrate with the MPs and determine the draft to be taken to the referendum.
The second issue the civil society has to deal with is to develop our interim minimum reform package, which in my view can be very comprehensive in itself. Lets not limit ourselves to what the politicians are saying. Besides we don’t need to make this an either or issue. Minimum reforms will only be effective if they lead to full reforms and actually pave the way for the same.
Lets come with our own ideas and present them to Kenyans. The one idea I have tried to float here is that we need to reform presidential powers and I think the civil society has dropped the ball on this for a long time. Lets take a stand with the people of Kenya and stop hiding behind fear of being used by politicians.
We also need to address the Truth Justice and Reconciliation issue. This was a key component of our platform and Kibaki sold us out on it. We need to take this issue on the minimum reform package. Kenyans will embrace it and the politicians are more likely to accept now rather than later.
The thing is this doesn’t have to be some elaborate reform package or even actual setting up of a TJRC; that can wait for the whole package, even though I would prefer a process where we get legislative initiatives committing the next government to implement a TJRC. But we need other practical things like a simple act of parliament mandating compensation for victims of “ethnic cleansing” and survivors of state repression? What is wrong with placing this as an item in our negotiations with political parties and the government?
Issues like statutory independence of watchdog groups like KNCHR and ensuring the government does not use bogus allegations to harass vocal voices like that of Maina Kiai, KNCHR chairman for doing their jobs.
These are our issues and they are important to Kenyans. We need to discuss these issues and determine what we can get passed before the elections to make our work easier with whoever comes next.
My point is that we need concurrent processes to address both immediately achievable goals towards fundamental reforms as well as get the process moving forward so that whoever comes to power doesn’t have a vacuum to exploit.
Anybody thinking we can go to Kenyans and tell them to reject minimum reforms because we have bigger things coming to them in future is underestimating the smartness of Kenyans. They are going to chase us from the streets if that is our agenda. Lets go there with something and we have a lot on our plates to pick from. The politicians have theirs and they have brought them to the table. We need our agenda and then we can stop worrying about opportunistic allies like Beth Mugo and Mwangi Kianjuri.
The writer is a human rights activist.
John Githongo said something everybody has been going around and which we need to address as a country. While receiving the KCA 2006 Excellence Award for outstanding sacrifice in fighting corruption in a ceremony held in Washington DC a few days ago, Mr. Githongo in his traditional forthright manner plainly warned Kenyans that nothing much would be achieved in fighting corruption, tribalism and nepotism without trimming the powers of the president.
“I believe the slippage in the overall reform programme most probably occurred because of the ruling elite’s determination to ensure that Presidential powers were not diffused by the new constitution which had been promised in the run-up to the elections. Ironically, opposition to this over concentration of power in the Executive had created the reputations of many of the administration’s most outstanding reformers.”
Right now Kenyans are engulfed in the debate about minimum and maximum reforms but try mentioning the powers of the president and the Kibaki people and even some human rights groups including faith groups would jump through the roof and start talking about ODM using it as an excuse to give their leaders positions. I am glad it is John Githongo once again who has put his hand on the real issue at hand. I think we should take Githongo’s warning very seriously.
The simple fact is that a lot of the problems we are dealing with are linked to the excessive powers of the president. The office of the president is like a bad curse in the nation. It is the undisputed headquarters of corruption in the country. Look at the fiasco with the Arturs and the raid on the Standard Newspapers and TV Network.
How do we explain the fact that a commission set to investigate the matter couldn’t even allow the tapes recovered from the house of the Artur crooks, which were believed to be the ones robbed from the Standard Building to be viewed? The Commission of Inquiry couldn’t call the associates of all these crooks, whom we know very well. Why? Because important people had to be protected and chances are they are important because they are part of the presidency. That is how powerful that institution is. It can protect criminals with a straight face and there is nothing anybody can do about it.
Kenyans know that the reason we don’t have a new constitution today is because BOMAS intended to distribute the powers of the president and Kibaki basically told us over his dead body. How long are we prepared to wait? That is the question.
The president practically runs the country as his private entity. He is above the law and all the watchdogs we have so far come up with have no authority and interest in questioning the actions of the big man. The president appoints most of these people anyway and not even the KACC can investigate anything linked to the president. This has been the case for forty years and counting and our country has paid dearly for this anomaly. Kenyans presidents have been accused of orchestrating murders, assassinations and massacres with the full knowledge that nothing can touch them.
I think the time has come to deal with this monster once and for all. Let us start with the premise that no president will be eager to give away their powers just after taking office. If anything our history tells us they will always add to their powers even when they promise the opposite to get elected. Kibaki has confirmed that to us. It would be dangerous to assume that as soon as an ODM president is elected, he will embark on an immediate process to distribute their powers. Even if we had an honest and genuine person at the top, they come with a constituency and sycophants who expect rewards from these excessive powers.
My point is that distributing the powers of the presidency should be a key part of whatever reforms we come up prior to the 2007 General Election. Let us distribute the powers now, whether that works better for Raila and his team or whether it works better for Kibaki is their problem. Ours is whether it works better for Kenyans and surely nothing can be worse than what we have now.
There is talk about the president not being able to dissolve parliament and having some of his appointees like PSs vetted, but really these are peripheral issues. The heart of the matter is establishing a Prime Minister’s office and devolving power to the regions to run their affairs without the president holding the whole country hostage to his whims.
Let us look at the Bomas proposals and address the concerns and even peruse through the disgraced Wako Draft and make efforts to resolve how that office will be run. At least this is one contentious issue we can resolve. If people think reducing the powers of the president makes it not powerful enough for them, they don’t have to run for the job. They can try being the local councillor.
My sense is that as soon as we start talking about dealing with the distribution of presidential powers everybody is going to see the need to complete the whole thing before the elections. I am all for minimum reforms but if the opportunity presents itself we should do the whole thing.
We all agree we cannot go to the polls with the constitutional status quo. Narc Kenya is already in turmoil as to which way to go. They want comprehensive reforms and know the time factor is not good and they forgot to put any money for the exercise. Karua now says money can be found and a supplementary budget set a side to complete the process. Why the flip-flop by Narc Kenya?
The reality is that minimum reforms are going to be a political disaster for Narc Kenya. The reforms will take away some of the privileges they enjoyed during the by-elections when they turned public resources into Narc Kenya property. With the emergence of the ODM Kenya as a major player Narc Kenya candidature is not that attractive anymore. In places like Western Province Narc Kenya stalwarts like Mukhisa Kituyi are already facing nightmares with the population who can’t stand Narc-K.
It was kind of sad to see Kituyi literally being humiliated in public as happened when he attended the Kijana Wamalwa memorial a couple of weeks ago in Bungoma. Kitiyu was forced to withdraw his leadership quest for Ford-K sensing the hostility towards him. A few days later, Kitiyu officially bolted to Narc Kenya knowing fully well that he is going fishing in a desert.
In Akamba land Narc Kenya is going nowhere and now with Michuki tearing into Madame Ngilu with his sexist and jingoist remarks about Akamba dancers, their chances are not going to get any better. They already sent Kalembe Ndile to hospital suffering from being hit by loud noise. I wonder what the doctor’s diagnosis turned out to be for Mheshimiwa Ndile.
In Rift Valley Narc Kenya hopes are with Moi, and judging by his rather lukewarm support despite all the efforts to get Mzee to blast ODM Kenya my suspicion is Moi is going to tell these guys to deal with their problems. He knows he is safe either way, so why antagonize anybody?
Then enter the minimum reforms and the campaign trail will see the ODM telling Kenyans how it was like pulling teeth to get Kibaki and his people to concede to minimum reforms. The ODM would easily convince Kenyans that they are the party to complete the process and they have a fairly good record on that one.
What could Narc Kenya possibly tell Kenyans about completing the reforms? Nothing. This means even after giving up a lot of room to facilitate minimum reforms, Narc K gets no political mileage. This is why they are doing the yoyo dance on the issue. They hate the idea but cannot afford a political battle with the rest of the country. My sense is that when push comes to shove Narc K would rather have comprehensive reforms even if it means finding away to do it before the elections.
ODM on the other hand would probably prefer minimum reforms, which they already have in the bag with the massive support the idea has received across the country. The ODM however wouldn’t mind the comprehensive reforms. It doesn’t change their political agenda going to the polls. They would still be in a pretty good shape to convince Kenyans that it would be suicidal to trust Kibaki to implement a constitution he has fought so hard to kill.
With comprehensive reforms Kibaki at least gets a fighting chance, much better than going to the polls with no reforms, which will turn the country into total chaos or going with minimum reforms which gives him nothing.
The big problem for Kibaki and his people is that they are allergic to power sharing and yet they know the imperial presidency will be a thing of the past in the new constitution. The only trick left for Kibaki and his people is to now become the allies of the civil society and keep harping on more stakeholders hoping they can drag things on for months and then finally say it is too late and hope that once Kibaki is elected again he can pull another five years with all the powers he so desperately wants to hang on to.
The big trouble we are having is that the civil society is terribly confused. A group like the KHRC shocked me with their position that they want comprehensive constitutional reforms either before or after the elections. I don’t know how many groups support this position, but I think it is utterly irresponsible to tell Kenyans we really don’t care when they get the new constitution as long as they get sometime in the future. Kenyans will not buy into that plan.
Then we have groups totally against minimum reforms ati because they are just intended to facilitate politicians taking or keeping power. I have always held the view that constitutions are essentially about power. How it is acquired, how it is exercised and how the ordinary wananchi can hold those they elect into offices accountable. Anybody thinking we are going to negotiate about the new constitution without the component of power involved must still be in Pluto even after they have declared it a non planet.
I think what we need in the civil society is a clear agenda for comprehensive reforms right before the elections and I believe we could convince politicians on both sides of the divide to embrace the idea regardless of their motives. To do this the civil society has to get straight with Kenyans.
Number one, we need to know how representation from the civil society sector in any discussions and negotiations about the constitution is going to be determined. Lets face it. Many Kenyans dislike the politicians and for good reasons, but at least they are elected representatives of the population. So how do we determine representation from the civil society? Are they going to be Nairobi based NGOs? We are also talking about a multi-sectoral approach, which sectors are we allowing in the talks and on what basis?
The idea that inclusion of the civil society means Rev. Timothy Njoya being welcomed at the Windsor Hotel, or Mutava Muysimi dusting up his old mailing list for delegates is not going to take us far. Civil society groups, which we know are neither homogeneous nor free from the ills that plague our society including tribalism and corruption should not be grabbing the microphones demanding that individuals within their groups be invited to the table but rather that there is an equitable representation from across the country.
The logistics for determining this representation is bound to take time. We could go with geographic representation say having district delegates or constituency delegates elected. That could take up to six months to accomplish, assuming we are moving at break neck speed and there are no saboteurs at work. We could use sectoral formulae so different sectors like faith groups, students, human rights organizations etc can elect their delegates.
The bottom line is the system has to be transparent and democratic. We cannot demand accountability from politicians when civil society delegates are handpicked by the well connected. The end product would be a Constituent Assembly, which will then integrate with the MPs and determine the draft to be taken to the referendum.
The second issue the civil society has to deal with is to develop our interim minimum reform package, which in my view can be very comprehensive in itself. Lets not limit ourselves to what the politicians are saying. Besides we don’t need to make this an either or issue. Minimum reforms will only be effective if they lead to full reforms and actually pave the way for the same.
Lets come with our own ideas and present them to Kenyans. The one idea I have tried to float here is that we need to reform presidential powers and I think the civil society has dropped the ball on this for a long time. Lets take a stand with the people of Kenya and stop hiding behind fear of being used by politicians.
We also need to address the Truth Justice and Reconciliation issue. This was a key component of our platform and Kibaki sold us out on it. We need to take this issue on the minimum reform package. Kenyans will embrace it and the politicians are more likely to accept now rather than later.
The thing is this doesn’t have to be some elaborate reform package or even actual setting up of a TJRC; that can wait for the whole package, even though I would prefer a process where we get legislative initiatives committing the next government to implement a TJRC. But we need other practical things like a simple act of parliament mandating compensation for victims of “ethnic cleansing” and survivors of state repression? What is wrong with placing this as an item in our negotiations with political parties and the government?
Issues like statutory independence of watchdog groups like KNCHR and ensuring the government does not use bogus allegations to harass vocal voices like that of Maina Kiai, KNCHR chairman for doing their jobs.
These are our issues and they are important to Kenyans. We need to discuss these issues and determine what we can get passed before the elections to make our work easier with whoever comes next.
My point is that we need concurrent processes to address both immediately achievable goals towards fundamental reforms as well as get the process moving forward so that whoever comes to power doesn’t have a vacuum to exploit.
Anybody thinking we can go to Kenyans and tell them to reject minimum reforms because we have bigger things coming to them in future is underestimating the smartness of Kenyans. They are going to chase us from the streets if that is our agenda. Lets go there with something and we have a lot on our plates to pick from. The politicians have theirs and they have brought them to the table. We need our agenda and then we can stop worrying about opportunistic allies like Beth Mugo and Mwangi Kianjuri.
The writer is a human rights activist.