Post by Onyango Oloo on Sept 29, 2005 7:41:56 GMT 3
Kenya Middle Class Reformers Risk Political Irrelevance by Staying Aloof from the Referendum
A Digital Essay by Onyango Oloo, Toronto, Thursday, September 29th, 2005
PART I
Summary:
For those who love précis- which I rarely give, you can jump to the next thread now because I am about to expand, in my usual long winded way, what I just summarized above.
It has been interesting gauging the reactions and stances of liberal minded members of the Kenyan middle strata holding forth on the ongoing referendum campaign.
Of course they are hundreds who are passionate partisans for either the Yes/Banana or No/Orange teams while there are others who are critically engaged without being wedded to either camp.
I am ignoring that bunch.
The people I want to go after, because, yes, I am taking bow and arrow and pursuing them, believe me- the people I want to go after are my haughty marafiki who think they are all that. I want to grapple with those supercilious, high minded “reformers” who are staying above the fray, lest their lofty (and somehow lefty) principles be sullied and contaminated through their engagement with the referendum process.
As anyone reading these lines is aware by now, I am firmly in the NO, yes, the Oranges camp consisting of those Kenyans who are campaigning actively, ardently and tirelessly against the caricature and mockery called the Wako Draft. Idle-minded tribalist louts are of course assuming that I am doing it because after all, Onyango Oloo is a LUO and must obey what his “god” Raila, commands. Let those jackasses wallow in their feverish delusions.
I am in the NO camp because I support our people’s collective struggle for a democratic constitution- a struggle that has been going on for several years, and like a relay race has had several key people taking over the baton from one part of the race to the other. I believe that before the baton is handed over to the final anchor who powers the wananchi to ultimate victory, that baton will have changed hands several times.
I support the NO campaign for the same reason why I supported Matiba and Rubia when they came out in 1990 and demanded the legalization of multi-party politics; the same reason why I championed the human rights advocacy of the Davinder Lambas, Richard Leakeys , Timothy Njoya and Gitobu Imanyaras. Many if not most of these names just cited are from my Marxist standpoint, MAINSTREAM political players who nevertheless, at specific points in Kenya’s recent history, articulated the collective aspirations of the Kenyan people- despite their class backgrounds, despite their ideological limitations and irrespective of their own personal and political agendas- including their covert or overt quest for political power.
I support the NO camp for the very same reasons why I was an almost deranged fanatic of the Mwai Kibaki candidacy in 2002- despite knowing his decades long sojourn in KANU, his dalliance with Moi and his conservative politics. In 2002 supporting Mwai Kibaki went beyond the personality of the MP for Othaya and the DP leader of the Official Opposition- Kibaki symbolized the crystallization of our people’s national determination to consign the ruling party KANU to the dung heaps of Kenyan history. Those of us who were socialist and still supported NARC did so soberly, with open eyes, realizing the inherent class and ideological contradictions of throwing our support behind a known comprador bourgeois mainstream Kenyan politician with a consistent wishy washy attitude towards democratic reform.
Were we stupid and naïve?
Only the politically obtuse and the ideological amateurs will aver thus.
When South African communists campaigned long and hard for a revered nationalist like Nelson Mandela, rather than any of the dozens of equally capable revolutionaries in their own party ranks, they were not being opportunists.
They were on the contrary, applying rigorously some of the canons of Marxist-Leninist theory:
“.....Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when they seem engaged in revolutionizing themselves and things, in creating something that has never yet existed, precisely in such periods of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service and borrow from them names, battle-cries and costumes in order to present the new scene of world history in this time-honoured disguise and this borrowed language....”
- Karl Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte”, Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1983, p.12.
“...The more powerful enemy can be conquered only by exerting the utmost effort, and by necessarily, thoroughly, carefully, attentively and skillfully taking advantage of any, even the smallest, ‘rift’ among the enemies...by taking advantage of every, even the smallest, opportunity of gaining a mass ally, even though this ally be temporary, vacillating, unstable, unreliable and conditional...”
- Vladimir Lenin, “Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, International Publishers, New York, 1940, p.50.
“... Far from pinning our hopes on antagonisms within the ranks of the enemy, we are fully aware that the development of these contradictions and the extent to which they be capitalized upon are in the last analysis determined by the strength of the revolution. The experience of all genuine popular revolutions shows that the stronger the revolutionary forces become and the higher the revolutionary tide rises, the more the enemy’s ranks are torn by contradictions and are likely to split. Ultimately the time comes when these conflicts have grown so exacerbated as to render impossible all compromise between the various enemy factions. This constitutes one of the unmistakable signs of the maturity of the revolutionary situation. The revolution then breaks out and the enemy’s rule is overthrown in decisive battles....The victory of the revolution depends primarily on a correct determination of the general orientation and strategic objective, as well as the specific orientation and objective for each period. But just as important as defining the orientation and objective is the problem of how to carry them into effect once such decisions are made. What road should be followed? What forms should be adopted? What measures should be used? Experience has shown that a revolutionary movement may mark time, or even fail, not for lack of clearly defined orientations and objectives, but essentially because there have been no appropriate principles and methods of revolutionary action. Methods of revolutionary action are devised to defeat the enemy of the revolution, and in the most advantageous way, so that the revolution may attain its ends as quickly as possible. Here one also needs wisdom as well as courage; it is not only a science, but also an art. Decisions over methods of revolutionary action require, more than in any other field, that the revolutionary maintain the highest creative spirit. Revolution is creation; it cannot succeed without imagination and ingenuity. There has never been nor will there ever be a unique formula for making a revolution that is suited to all situations. One given method may be adaptable to a certain country but unsuitable in another. A correct method in certain times and circumstances may be erroneous in other situations. Everything depends on the concrete historical conditions..... It is a matter of principle that either in the daily policies or in the practice of revolutionary struggle... a revolutionary should never lose sight of the final goal. If one considers the fight for small daily gains and immediate targets as ‘everything’ and views the final goal as ‘nothing’... then one displays the worst kind of opportunism which can only result in keeping the popular masses in eternal servitude. However, it is by no means sufficient to comprehend only the final objective. While keeping in mind the revolutionary goal, the art of revolutionary leadership lies in knowing how to win judiciously step by step. Revolution is the work of millions of popular masses standing up to overthrow the ruling classes, which command powerful means of violence together with other material and spiritual forces. That is why a revolution is always a long-term process. From the initial steps to the final victory, a revolution necessarily goes through many difficult and complex stages of struggle full of twists and bends, clearing one obstacle after another and gradually changing the relation of forces between the revolution and the counter-revolution until overwhelming superiority is achieved over the ruling classes...”
- Le Duan, “The Vietnamese Revolution: Fundamental Problems and Essential Tasks, New World Paperbacks, New York, 1971, pp22-27.
Briefly what these excerpts are reminding progressives and revolutionaries is the need to pay special attention to the actual and material conditions prevailing in the country and being guided by these objective realities rather than basing our stances on our subjective whims and our political wishful thinking on what we ideally want rather than what is.
The mainstream Kenyan politicians- from Kibaki and Kiraitu to Raila and Kalonzo are four steps ahead of many, many Kenyans of far more radical and more lucid ideological visions because these mainstream politicians live in the present and for their own reasons and machinations, have their finger on the pulse of the wananchi seeing the wananchi in their unvarnished, crude and contradictory reality rather than polished and finished product that many of our reformers wish they could transform Wanjiku into. Of course these mainstream politicians for their own myopic ends will exploit regional fears, tribal stereotypes, religious prejudices, academic backwardness, poverty, lumpenization and all the social, political and economic contradictions that came with these to push their own agenda.
In the meantime, some of us, who think we know better walk off in a huff to our cloistered political caves, our ideological backs turned to the mainstream politicians.
But guess what is also happening simultaneously?
The mainstream politicians are organizing public rallies and guess what again?
The wananchi are dropping everything they are doing and trooping to these Banana and Orange rallies.
With all due respect to Father Gabriel Dolan a person who inspires me for his impeccable credentials as a true democrat and a true social justice activist, I was a bit perturbed by what I felt was the following condescending remark in his Daily Nation op-ed appearing in the September 28th 2005 edition of that Nairobi daily:
It is a sad reflection of the failure of our current regime that thousands of the nation's youth are idle and free to attend these rallies even in mid-week.
At least, if the ECK had put symbols representing cows and sheep to represent the 'Yes' or 'No' votes, then the poor might have eaten meat when the campaign circus hit town. With the high price of meat everywhere, this might also have dampened the two camps' enthusiasm for campaigning.
Now, it must be stressed that in his opinion piece, Father Dolan is actually calling for the Faith community to abandon the illusion of “neutrality” and provide a leadership impetus to the referendum process- a position that I am not exactly unsympathetic to- but I still feel that he comes across as a tad patronizing in his imputation that the only people trooping to the referendum rallies are the “nation’s idle youth”. I know from my contacts with both Yes and No camps that workers, professionals, business people, bureaucrats are taking time off work or making time to participate in these rallies, not because they are “idle” but because they believe, as they did in 2002- and in 1992, 1991 and in 1990 and in 1979 and in 1975 and in 1966 and in 1963 and every major democratic turning point in our history that patriots have to be part of the upsurge, the rising ferment- even if our detractors call us “rent- a-mobs” and our own allies and friends dismiss these crowds as composed of “idle youth”.
It is true that politicians are dishing out muthendi to generate support- for a tiny fraction of people who are passionate about this referendum campaign.
But who is paying off the Kenyans who troop online to Africa-oped, Kenyaonline, Kenya Talk, Mambogani, Mashada, and Kenyaniyetu? Who is paying me to stay up for hours on end at night administering the JUKWAA discussion forum or posting and circulating opinion pieces on the Leta Siasa and KDP blogs?
Speaking for myself, I know that I am spending my own time and my own money and my own skills and resources participating in these discussions and debates- not beholden to anyone and I would imagine the same goes for my co-discussants logging in from Vienna, Austria, Harare, Zimbabwe, Mombasa, Kenya, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Uppsala, Sweden, Helsinki Finland, Leicester, the UK, Zurich Switzerland, Dallas, Texas, Toronto, Canada and Mumbai, India.
It is simply insulting to read another democrat belittling the time and effort other democrats are taking to be engaged in the process.
It is my considered opinion that many Kenyan middle class liberals are so contemptuous of the wananchi that they think that ordinary Kenyan people do not have the intelligence to assess the merits and demerits of the Railas, the Kiraitus, the Kibakis, the Mungatanas and the Ngilus. Come election time in 2002, who was it that made sure that KANU was demolished at the polling booths. It was certainly not the “advanced, progressive democratic minded reformers” ensconced in the country’s middle strata.
It was those very “idle youth” those unvarnished wananchi who made sure that almost the entire Moi cabinet was thrown out of parliament and Kibaki got 70% of the popular vote. Some of them “ate” the money thrown at them by the bag men of the Uhuru Project, but come election time, they knew who to vote for.
This reminds me of a small anecdote about an unfortunate pot bellied Nairobi parliamentary aspirant that found us at Kamiti after he had been swung in for some corrupt misdeed that Kenyan politician-businessmen are notorious for. For some reason, my usual elephant memory is failing me tonight because I am somehow confused whether his name was Chege wa Gachamba- or I am confusing him with someone who was a mainstay in the VOK salamu programs back in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In any case, this mwanasiasa, whatever his name is, tried to be elected in Madaraka, Starehe, Bahati – one of those three Nairobi constituencies. As part of his plan to storm parliament as a brand new MP, he printed thousands of tee shirts graced with his own ungracious likeness. He freely dished out these T-shirts to anybody who promised to vote for him. Come election day, he came up either dead last or second to mkia, next to chuta as they say in the patois. Now, when he came to be our neighbour in the “big house” he mostly conversed with his riika, Mwalimu Maina wa Kinyatti- who was part of our Marxist Study Circle at Kamiti. Usually before we started our formal sessions, we shot the breeze for a few minutes, getting updates from the invisible “Kamiti Times”- our euphemism for the prison rumour mill- and sharing any hilarious incidents that happened to spice up our otherwise drab existence behind those penitentiary walls. So there was this evening when Mwalimu could not stop chuckling and suppressing a wide grin as he recalled the pathos and bathos of a “sad” ordeal suffered by our unsuccessful Nairobi parliamentary aspirant on the night the election results were announced- I think he ran in 1979- I will double check and see if I can remember the name- at any rate, this is what happened. He found out that those thousands of “well wishers” and “confirmed voters” who had vowed to “vote for him” after eating his muthendi and grabbing his electioneering T shirt had unfortunately deserted him on the fateful and crucial day. To our politician’s shock, judging from the paltry vote, it appeared as if he was shunned even by members of his own family. Having invested a small fortune in the design, production and distribution of the t-shirts, our mwanasiasa resolved to exact “revenge” while going some way towards “recouping” his electoral expenses and losses. So this is what he did. He positioned himself in strategic places- for instance, in the vicinity of the Gikomba market. Since he knew that NONE of his tee shirts had gone on sale, he figured that anyone wearing his tee shirt is likely to have received his or her issue from his own or agents’ hands. Therefore whenever he saw a Mwananchi whistling happily towards the open air market- but wearing the doomed tee shirt- he aggressively accosted the accursed tee shirt wearer with these abrasive words:
“Nani! Hebu Vua Hiyo Fulana Mara Moja! Ninajua Hukunipigia Kura! Nirudishie T- Shirt!”
I do NOT have the figure of the exact grand total of the used T-shirts that the politician-thief managed to harvest back from their hapless ex-wearers.
But I digress.
(continued...)
A Digital Essay by Onyango Oloo, Toronto, Thursday, September 29th, 2005
PART I
Summary:
Since the referendum campaign kicked off, there has been a palpable sneering and contemptuous attitude from a section of the Kenyan reform movement regarding the whole process which has now reached the frenzied Orange versus Bananas crescendo of accusations and counteraccusations. There are those veteran social justice activists who are basically sulking in the corner, sullenly refusing to engage in the ongoing debates, rallies, discussions and interventions regarding the next stage of the constitutional review process in Kenya. It is Onyango Oloo’s considered opinion that this hi falutin stance betrays a deep elitist contempt for the ordinary wananchi and will serve to entrench the hegemony of the very mainstream politicians that reformers are cautioning their friends to steer away from. Onyango Oloo calls on ALL Kenyan social justice activists and democratic, reform minded Kenyan patriots to jump off their high horses, climb down from their supercilious mountain peaks and participate in the muddy puddles of this very murky Katiba tussle. Failure to do so, Oloo argues, will be an objective and inexcusable BETRAYAL of the very hallowed reform process that these Kenyan middle class liberals are trying to saran wrap and sanitize from the very mainstream wanasiasa they love to trash. Onyango Oloo says that exiting from the referendum campaign is a historic abdication of urgent democratic responsibilities and will disqualify the abstainers from ever having the credibility in the future of justifying why they sat apart, sulking with arms folded, while the power hungry politicians took over the process. |
For those who love précis- which I rarely give, you can jump to the next thread now because I am about to expand, in my usual long winded way, what I just summarized above.
It has been interesting gauging the reactions and stances of liberal minded members of the Kenyan middle strata holding forth on the ongoing referendum campaign.
Of course they are hundreds who are passionate partisans for either the Yes/Banana or No/Orange teams while there are others who are critically engaged without being wedded to either camp.
I am ignoring that bunch.
The people I want to go after, because, yes, I am taking bow and arrow and pursuing them, believe me- the people I want to go after are my haughty marafiki who think they are all that. I want to grapple with those supercilious, high minded “reformers” who are staying above the fray, lest their lofty (and somehow lefty) principles be sullied and contaminated through their engagement with the referendum process.
As anyone reading these lines is aware by now, I am firmly in the NO, yes, the Oranges camp consisting of those Kenyans who are campaigning actively, ardently and tirelessly against the caricature and mockery called the Wako Draft. Idle-minded tribalist louts are of course assuming that I am doing it because after all, Onyango Oloo is a LUO and must obey what his “god” Raila, commands. Let those jackasses wallow in their feverish delusions.
I am in the NO camp because I support our people’s collective struggle for a democratic constitution- a struggle that has been going on for several years, and like a relay race has had several key people taking over the baton from one part of the race to the other. I believe that before the baton is handed over to the final anchor who powers the wananchi to ultimate victory, that baton will have changed hands several times.
I support the NO campaign for the same reason why I supported Matiba and Rubia when they came out in 1990 and demanded the legalization of multi-party politics; the same reason why I championed the human rights advocacy of the Davinder Lambas, Richard Leakeys , Timothy Njoya and Gitobu Imanyaras. Many if not most of these names just cited are from my Marxist standpoint, MAINSTREAM political players who nevertheless, at specific points in Kenya’s recent history, articulated the collective aspirations of the Kenyan people- despite their class backgrounds, despite their ideological limitations and irrespective of their own personal and political agendas- including their covert or overt quest for political power.
I support the NO camp for the very same reasons why I was an almost deranged fanatic of the Mwai Kibaki candidacy in 2002- despite knowing his decades long sojourn in KANU, his dalliance with Moi and his conservative politics. In 2002 supporting Mwai Kibaki went beyond the personality of the MP for Othaya and the DP leader of the Official Opposition- Kibaki symbolized the crystallization of our people’s national determination to consign the ruling party KANU to the dung heaps of Kenyan history. Those of us who were socialist and still supported NARC did so soberly, with open eyes, realizing the inherent class and ideological contradictions of throwing our support behind a known comprador bourgeois mainstream Kenyan politician with a consistent wishy washy attitude towards democratic reform.
Were we stupid and naïve?
Only the politically obtuse and the ideological amateurs will aver thus.
When South African communists campaigned long and hard for a revered nationalist like Nelson Mandela, rather than any of the dozens of equally capable revolutionaries in their own party ranks, they were not being opportunists.
They were on the contrary, applying rigorously some of the canons of Marxist-Leninist theory:
“.....Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when they seem engaged in revolutionizing themselves and things, in creating something that has never yet existed, precisely in such periods of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service and borrow from them names, battle-cries and costumes in order to present the new scene of world history in this time-honoured disguise and this borrowed language....”
- Karl Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte”, Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1983, p.12.
“...The more powerful enemy can be conquered only by exerting the utmost effort, and by necessarily, thoroughly, carefully, attentively and skillfully taking advantage of any, even the smallest, ‘rift’ among the enemies...by taking advantage of every, even the smallest, opportunity of gaining a mass ally, even though this ally be temporary, vacillating, unstable, unreliable and conditional...”
- Vladimir Lenin, “Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, International Publishers, New York, 1940, p.50.
“... Far from pinning our hopes on antagonisms within the ranks of the enemy, we are fully aware that the development of these contradictions and the extent to which they be capitalized upon are in the last analysis determined by the strength of the revolution. The experience of all genuine popular revolutions shows that the stronger the revolutionary forces become and the higher the revolutionary tide rises, the more the enemy’s ranks are torn by contradictions and are likely to split. Ultimately the time comes when these conflicts have grown so exacerbated as to render impossible all compromise between the various enemy factions. This constitutes one of the unmistakable signs of the maturity of the revolutionary situation. The revolution then breaks out and the enemy’s rule is overthrown in decisive battles....The victory of the revolution depends primarily on a correct determination of the general orientation and strategic objective, as well as the specific orientation and objective for each period. But just as important as defining the orientation and objective is the problem of how to carry them into effect once such decisions are made. What road should be followed? What forms should be adopted? What measures should be used? Experience has shown that a revolutionary movement may mark time, or even fail, not for lack of clearly defined orientations and objectives, but essentially because there have been no appropriate principles and methods of revolutionary action. Methods of revolutionary action are devised to defeat the enemy of the revolution, and in the most advantageous way, so that the revolution may attain its ends as quickly as possible. Here one also needs wisdom as well as courage; it is not only a science, but also an art. Decisions over methods of revolutionary action require, more than in any other field, that the revolutionary maintain the highest creative spirit. Revolution is creation; it cannot succeed without imagination and ingenuity. There has never been nor will there ever be a unique formula for making a revolution that is suited to all situations. One given method may be adaptable to a certain country but unsuitable in another. A correct method in certain times and circumstances may be erroneous in other situations. Everything depends on the concrete historical conditions..... It is a matter of principle that either in the daily policies or in the practice of revolutionary struggle... a revolutionary should never lose sight of the final goal. If one considers the fight for small daily gains and immediate targets as ‘everything’ and views the final goal as ‘nothing’... then one displays the worst kind of opportunism which can only result in keeping the popular masses in eternal servitude. However, it is by no means sufficient to comprehend only the final objective. While keeping in mind the revolutionary goal, the art of revolutionary leadership lies in knowing how to win judiciously step by step. Revolution is the work of millions of popular masses standing up to overthrow the ruling classes, which command powerful means of violence together with other material and spiritual forces. That is why a revolution is always a long-term process. From the initial steps to the final victory, a revolution necessarily goes through many difficult and complex stages of struggle full of twists and bends, clearing one obstacle after another and gradually changing the relation of forces between the revolution and the counter-revolution until overwhelming superiority is achieved over the ruling classes...”
- Le Duan, “The Vietnamese Revolution: Fundamental Problems and Essential Tasks, New World Paperbacks, New York, 1971, pp22-27.
Briefly what these excerpts are reminding progressives and revolutionaries is the need to pay special attention to the actual and material conditions prevailing in the country and being guided by these objective realities rather than basing our stances on our subjective whims and our political wishful thinking on what we ideally want rather than what is.
The mainstream Kenyan politicians- from Kibaki and Kiraitu to Raila and Kalonzo are four steps ahead of many, many Kenyans of far more radical and more lucid ideological visions because these mainstream politicians live in the present and for their own reasons and machinations, have their finger on the pulse of the wananchi seeing the wananchi in their unvarnished, crude and contradictory reality rather than polished and finished product that many of our reformers wish they could transform Wanjiku into. Of course these mainstream politicians for their own myopic ends will exploit regional fears, tribal stereotypes, religious prejudices, academic backwardness, poverty, lumpenization and all the social, political and economic contradictions that came with these to push their own agenda.
In the meantime, some of us, who think we know better walk off in a huff to our cloistered political caves, our ideological backs turned to the mainstream politicians.
But guess what is also happening simultaneously?
The mainstream politicians are organizing public rallies and guess what again?
The wananchi are dropping everything they are doing and trooping to these Banana and Orange rallies.
With all due respect to Father Gabriel Dolan a person who inspires me for his impeccable credentials as a true democrat and a true social justice activist, I was a bit perturbed by what I felt was the following condescending remark in his Daily Nation op-ed appearing in the September 28th 2005 edition of that Nairobi daily:
It is a sad reflection of the failure of our current regime that thousands of the nation's youth are idle and free to attend these rallies even in mid-week.
At least, if the ECK had put symbols representing cows and sheep to represent the 'Yes' or 'No' votes, then the poor might have eaten meat when the campaign circus hit town. With the high price of meat everywhere, this might also have dampened the two camps' enthusiasm for campaigning.
Now, it must be stressed that in his opinion piece, Father Dolan is actually calling for the Faith community to abandon the illusion of “neutrality” and provide a leadership impetus to the referendum process- a position that I am not exactly unsympathetic to- but I still feel that he comes across as a tad patronizing in his imputation that the only people trooping to the referendum rallies are the “nation’s idle youth”. I know from my contacts with both Yes and No camps that workers, professionals, business people, bureaucrats are taking time off work or making time to participate in these rallies, not because they are “idle” but because they believe, as they did in 2002- and in 1992, 1991 and in 1990 and in 1979 and in 1975 and in 1966 and in 1963 and every major democratic turning point in our history that patriots have to be part of the upsurge, the rising ferment- even if our detractors call us “rent- a-mobs” and our own allies and friends dismiss these crowds as composed of “idle youth”.
It is true that politicians are dishing out muthendi to generate support- for a tiny fraction of people who are passionate about this referendum campaign.
But who is paying off the Kenyans who troop online to Africa-oped, Kenyaonline, Kenya Talk, Mambogani, Mashada, and Kenyaniyetu? Who is paying me to stay up for hours on end at night administering the JUKWAA discussion forum or posting and circulating opinion pieces on the Leta Siasa and KDP blogs?
Speaking for myself, I know that I am spending my own time and my own money and my own skills and resources participating in these discussions and debates- not beholden to anyone and I would imagine the same goes for my co-discussants logging in from Vienna, Austria, Harare, Zimbabwe, Mombasa, Kenya, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Uppsala, Sweden, Helsinki Finland, Leicester, the UK, Zurich Switzerland, Dallas, Texas, Toronto, Canada and Mumbai, India.
It is simply insulting to read another democrat belittling the time and effort other democrats are taking to be engaged in the process.
It is my considered opinion that many Kenyan middle class liberals are so contemptuous of the wananchi that they think that ordinary Kenyan people do not have the intelligence to assess the merits and demerits of the Railas, the Kiraitus, the Kibakis, the Mungatanas and the Ngilus. Come election time in 2002, who was it that made sure that KANU was demolished at the polling booths. It was certainly not the “advanced, progressive democratic minded reformers” ensconced in the country’s middle strata.
It was those very “idle youth” those unvarnished wananchi who made sure that almost the entire Moi cabinet was thrown out of parliament and Kibaki got 70% of the popular vote. Some of them “ate” the money thrown at them by the bag men of the Uhuru Project, but come election time, they knew who to vote for.
This reminds me of a small anecdote about an unfortunate pot bellied Nairobi parliamentary aspirant that found us at Kamiti after he had been swung in for some corrupt misdeed that Kenyan politician-businessmen are notorious for. For some reason, my usual elephant memory is failing me tonight because I am somehow confused whether his name was Chege wa Gachamba- or I am confusing him with someone who was a mainstay in the VOK salamu programs back in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In any case, this mwanasiasa, whatever his name is, tried to be elected in Madaraka, Starehe, Bahati – one of those three Nairobi constituencies. As part of his plan to storm parliament as a brand new MP, he printed thousands of tee shirts graced with his own ungracious likeness. He freely dished out these T-shirts to anybody who promised to vote for him. Come election day, he came up either dead last or second to mkia, next to chuta as they say in the patois. Now, when he came to be our neighbour in the “big house” he mostly conversed with his riika, Mwalimu Maina wa Kinyatti- who was part of our Marxist Study Circle at Kamiti. Usually before we started our formal sessions, we shot the breeze for a few minutes, getting updates from the invisible “Kamiti Times”- our euphemism for the prison rumour mill- and sharing any hilarious incidents that happened to spice up our otherwise drab existence behind those penitentiary walls. So there was this evening when Mwalimu could not stop chuckling and suppressing a wide grin as he recalled the pathos and bathos of a “sad” ordeal suffered by our unsuccessful Nairobi parliamentary aspirant on the night the election results were announced- I think he ran in 1979- I will double check and see if I can remember the name- at any rate, this is what happened. He found out that those thousands of “well wishers” and “confirmed voters” who had vowed to “vote for him” after eating his muthendi and grabbing his electioneering T shirt had unfortunately deserted him on the fateful and crucial day. To our politician’s shock, judging from the paltry vote, it appeared as if he was shunned even by members of his own family. Having invested a small fortune in the design, production and distribution of the t-shirts, our mwanasiasa resolved to exact “revenge” while going some way towards “recouping” his electoral expenses and losses. So this is what he did. He positioned himself in strategic places- for instance, in the vicinity of the Gikomba market. Since he knew that NONE of his tee shirts had gone on sale, he figured that anyone wearing his tee shirt is likely to have received his or her issue from his own or agents’ hands. Therefore whenever he saw a Mwananchi whistling happily towards the open air market- but wearing the doomed tee shirt- he aggressively accosted the accursed tee shirt wearer with these abrasive words:
“Nani! Hebu Vua Hiyo Fulana Mara Moja! Ninajua Hukunipigia Kura! Nirudishie T- Shirt!”
I do NOT have the figure of the exact grand total of the used T-shirts that the politician-thief managed to harvest back from their hapless ex-wearers.
But I digress.
(continued...)